TOPIC 1 INTRODUCTION TO MEDIA AND POLITICS.
LEARNING OUTCOMES
By the end of this topic, you should be able to:
1. Explain the concepts of media and politics;
2. Describe media systems and their components;
3. Identify the four main normative theories and the two additions;
4. Discuss the relationship and differences between the normative
theories; and
5. Discuss the role of politics and government in the media system.
DEFINING THE CONCEPT OF MEDIA
What is media? Media is the main means of mass communication. Media means technology that is intended to reach a mass audience. It is the primary means of communication used to reach the vast majority of the general public. Television, radio, newspapers, and the Internet are regarded collectively as media. Media is thus communication channels through which news, entertainment, education, data, or promotional messages are disseminated. Media includes every broadcasting and narrowcasting medium, such as newspapers, magazines, TV, radio, billboards, direct mail, telephone, fax and the Internet.
With the advent of the Internet, media can be classified into two:
(a) Traditional media, which includes television, radio, newspapers, magazines, newsletters and other print publications; and
(b) Social media, which is the term used to describe the new generation of digital, computerised, or networked information and communication technologies. These can take many different forms, including Internet forums, blogs, wikis, podcasts, and picture, music and video sharing. Examples of social media applications are Google Groups, Wikipedia, MySpace, Facebook, YouTube, Second Life, Flickr and Twitter.
MEDIA SYSTEMS
The term „media system‰, although frequently used in subject literature, does not possess a normative or a clear-cut, unambiguous definition so far (Gurevitch, Bennett, Curran & Woollacott, 2005). The media system, as an internally complex, autonomous entity being part of a greater whole, such as a country, is also treated as a system (Wieslaw, 2009).
The term media system was first developed with the onset of television, which resulted in great changes in the reception of mass media communication, also influencing the economic basis of its functioning (Gurevitch et al., 2005). The media system is composed of institutional structures and final products, which recipients use directly and frequently as they are addressed to them (newspapers, journals, radio and TV programmes) as well as entities (such as press agencies and distributors), with which people are less familiar but which, nevertheless, are crucial to the functioning of the media system.
1.2
1.1
A media system’s character is dependent on the primal market or the relations between media broadcasters, recipients and the advertising market (advertisers, and advertising agencies) as well as on the secondary market, which includes the connections between broadcasters and media institutions and also the owners of media entities (Wieslaw, 2009).
THEORIES OF MEDIA SYSTEMS
Normative theories of communication is a group of four press theories proposed by Siebert, Peterson and Schramm (1963) and comprise Authoritarian, Free Press, Social Responsibility and Soviet Media (see Figure 1.1). Some scholars refer to these theories as Western theories of mass media.
Figure 1.1: Four press theories
Media does not exist in a vacuum and normative theories try to explain how the socio-political structures that surround media affect its expected roles, freedom and accountabilities. This theory explains how media systems behave when operated by different kinds of government, such as libertarian, authoritarian, communist and socially responsible government. Normative theories are
therefore based on different types of government systems. Media is important for states to survive and depending on the particular government, can be used in the way the government of the day wants to. Some of these uses include using the media as propaganda machinery.
Later additions to the four theories of the press including development media theory and democratic participant media theory, which were added by McQuail (1987). The development media theory talks about participation of audience in the media while the latter focuses on the media as a tool for development.
1.3.1 Authoritarian Theory
Authoritarian theory was developed in the 16th and 17th centuries, in England. The authoritarian theory was operationalised as strict control of content by the state and a general lack of freedom for the public to criticise state policies. Under an authoritarian media system, ownership of the media can be either public or private. Ownership of printing media is mostly private, while broadcast media usually remain in the hands of the government.
The authoritarian theory describes the situation where states view the mass media as an instrument at all times. The role of the media is to mainly educate citizens, and act as a propaganda tool for the ruling party.
The main difference between the authoritarian theory and the Soviet-Communist theory is that while the former allows both private and public media ownership, the latter only allows public media ownership. Another difference is that while the authoritarian media is mainly used to maintain societal status quo, a Soviet-Communist media is often used to bring about societal change. Countries whose media are practising the authoritarian theory include Russia, North Korea, China, Iran and Saudi Arabia.
1. What is authoritarian theory?
2. Describe the differences between the authoritarian theory and the Soviet-Communist theory.
SELF-CHECK 1.1
1.3.2 Free Press Theory
The free press theory, which is also known as libertarian theory concludes that media or press is given absolute freedom to publish without interference and it also acts as a watchdog. The theory came from the libertarian thoughts of Europe during the 16th century, after the invention of the printing press and after the press movement. Among the advocates of this theory are renowned personalities like John Locke, John Milton, John Stuart Mill and Thomas Jefferson. This theory
is said to thrive in England and the US.
The public is given a lot of press freedom and government control over press is very much limited if not absent. However, some restrictions are put in place in cases of libel, false advertising and false news as preventive measures against the likely abuse of the freedom. The press is an autonomous body rather than another arm or extension of the government.
1.3.3 Social Responsibility Theory
As the name implies, the press in this political system is free to publish anything as long as it is responsible for its publication. At present, the social responsibility theory is practised in most European countries and those countries under the European influence.
The main role of the press is for the preservation and growth of democracy.
Adhering to guidelines and regulations makes the press behave in a responsible manner. Governments have the right to intervene by censoring information they deem to be inappropriate for social order.
Audiences are tasked with the duty of being responsible in their understanding of things shown in media. The government cannot simply intrude too much into the press as it wills. Media is taken to be a spokesperson of the poor and marginalised as well as providing diverse views or perspectives. Corporation or companies using press for commercialisation and profit purposes are only allowed limited space.
1.3.4 Soviet Media Theory
This theory originated from Marxist, Leninist and Stalinist thoughts, with a mixture of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s ideology. It is called the Soviet Media Theory or Communist Media Theory. The government’s role in the press and media is very central as it controls the total media and communication to serve the working classes and their interest. According to this theory, the state has absolute power to control any media for the benefit of the people. There is no private ownership of the press and other media in this system.
The government media is an instrument of control and propaganda to create a strong socialised society and to provide information, education, entertainment, motivation and mobilisation. The theory advocates that all media message systems are in the service of the state, as well as representing the voice of the masses.
1.3.5 Development Media Theory
In this theory, McQuail (1987; 2010) aims at garnering media support for the government to bring about socio-economic development for the citizens. It argues that until a nation is well established and its economic development well underway, media must be supportive rather than critical of the government, so as to assist the government in implementing its policies.
As the name implies, the theory relates to media in the developing nations. It favours journalism that seeks out good news, requires that bad news stories are treated with caution, for such stories are said to be economically damaging to a nation in its delicate effort of growth and change. The main duty of the media is to fulfil social and political duties; hence media freedom, while desirable, should be second to national integration, socio-economic modernisation, promotion of literacy and cultural creativity.
Development media theory seeks to promote the positive; it takes care and guards the autonomy of the developing nations and gives special emphasis to indigenous cultures. It is both a theory of state support and one of resistance to the norms of competing nations and competing theories of media. Normative theories seek to locate media structure and performance within the milieu in which it operates. Explain.
SELF-CHECK 1.2
According to McQuail (1987) and Folarin (2005), as the press performs its responsibilities, it should bear the following tenets in mind:
(a) Media must accept and carry out positive development tasks that are in line with the policies formulated by the political leadership, and freedom of the press should not be at variance with economic priorities of the government and the development needs of the citizenry.
(b) Media should therefore give priorities to the coverage of those areas that touch on the lives of the people. In other words, content should be development-driven and should centre on socio-economic and political lives of the people.
(c) In the overall interest of development, the state has the right to intervene in media operations by the use of censorship devices, especially when the activities of the press are not in consonance with the development objectives of the government.
(d) Mass media should accord priority to politically, geographically and culturally contiguous developing countries in their coverage as part of the holistic strategy for less developed societies.
1.3.6 Democratic Participant Media Theory
This theory is said to represent the idealist dreams of how media ought to operate. It is one which any healthy democracy should regard as a goal. Democratic participant theory stands for defence against commercialisation and monopoly while at the same time being resistant to the bureaucracy of public media institutions (Watson, 2003). This theory challenges reigning theories and offers a positive strategy towards the achievement of new forms of media
institution.
The model emphasises the role of the receiver in the communication process and integrates receiverÊs rights to relevant information, to be heard as well as to hear and be shown. Media messages and content should not be affected by bureaucratic and political control. Instead, media should exist in respect of the interests and needs of the recipients and should not be justified in respect of interests and needs of the media entity. Briefly describe the development media theory.
SELF-CHECK 1.3
This theory encourages small scale multiple, local, non-institutional media because they link senders with receivers and also favour horizontal interactions.
1.3.7 Post Scripts on Press Theory
To sum up, according to the authoritarian theory, the media is controlled and censored by the government ministries in the country, but for libertarian theory the media is fully free without any intervention from any authority or government. For social responsibility theory, press is relatively free, on one hand, but on the other, the government controls the press by raising questions. In the case of Soviet media theory, the media is under the total control of the nation's leaders.
Media in authoritarian regimes are the mouthpiece of the ruling government. They operate under a tight and controlled atmosphere. The content of the media is strictly monitored in the authoritarian regime. Libertarian regime, on the other hand, is the opposite of authoritarian. Under a libertarian regime, the media is free to operate as there are no restrictions. For social responsibility theory, the media is tasked with operating responsibly whereby the media acts as its own watchdog. The Soviet media theory, on the other hand, is not very different from the authoritarian regime as both exert control and place restrictions on the media.
1. What do you understand by the concept of media and media system?
2. Compare the normative theories of the press and deliberate on which one/ones is/are best for Malaysia.
ACTIVITY 1.1
CONCEPTS IN THE POLITICAL SYSTEM
There are various concepts that can be discussed in relation to a political system. In the following subtopics, we will focus on several main concepts, namely, the political system from the Marxist perspective, the political system from the capitalist industrialist view, the monarchy system, power, control and freedom, and developmental politics.
1.4.1 Political System from the Marxist Perspective
According to the Marxist perspective, the political system is one of several struggles between the bourgeoisie (owners of private property and the means of production) and the proletariat (workers), with economics as the foundation on which the rest of society is built. Marxists believe the state is an arena in which the ‘haves’ and the ‘have-nots’ struggle.
For the Marxists, a democratic state or republic, especially in a capitalist economic system, is undesirable. According to Engels (1892), ‘The modern state, no matter what its form, is essentially a capitalist machine’. This ‘machine’ is an unacceptable state since it so clearly focuses on exploiting its citizens. The ideal state for the Marxist is no state at all, since any government (whether a democracy or a dictatorship) is a means for preserving class antagonism. Marx and Engels (1848) said, ‘Political power is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing another’.
In the Marxist view of human social development, the state evolved at a point in history when it was necessary, and it will cease to exist when it is no longer necessary for society. It is a mere transitory phenomenon. Engels (1884) said, ‘The State is simply a product of society at a certain stage of evolution’. Since freedom means no government at all to the Marxists, therefore freedom is an illusion until the classless society is established.
1.4
Marxists believe that only communism makes the state absolutely unnecessary, for there is nobody to be suppressed. For the Marxists, communism must be established worldwide in order for Marxists to achieve their political ends; and they believe that at that some time in history, the state will fade away completely. If the state exists anywhere in the world, then classes would still exist as a threat to a completely classless society.
1.4.2 Political System from the Capitalist Industrialist
View
For the capitalists, an economic and political system is characterised by a free market for goods and services and private control of production and consumption. In capitalism, the economic system is based on private ownership of the means of production and their operation for profit (Baptist & Hyman, 2014; Zimbalist, Sherman & Brown, 1988). Thus, the government has minimal control in the process of production. In a capitalist system, the government does not restrict private property or prevent individuals from working where they deem fit. The government does not prevent firms from determining what wages they will pay and what prices they will charge for their products.
Capitalism has existed under many forms of government, in many different times, places, and cultures. Following the decline of mercantile business, mixed capitalist systems became dominant in the Western world and have continued to spread. Today, most existing capitalist economies are mixed economies, which combine elements of free markets with state intervention, and in some cases, with economic planning.
The major characteristics of capitalism include private property, capital accumulation, wage labour, voluntary exchange, a price system and competitive markets. In a capitalist market economy, decision-making and investment are determined by the owners of the factors of production in financial and capital markets, and prices and the distribution of goods are mainly determined by competition in the market.
1.4.3 Monarchy
This is a system of government in which a king or queen rules. The authority, or crown, in a monarchy is generally inherited. The ruler, or monarch, is often only the head of state, not the head of government. Many monarchies, such as Britain and Denmark, are actually governed by parliaments. There are also monarchies which are constitutional as distinct from absolute monarchies. Malaysia is one of the best examples of constitutional monarchies.
In a constitutional monarchy, the king or queen is governed by the constitution. In a constitutional monarchy, a monarch shares power with a constitutionally elected government. The monarch may be the de facto head of state or a purely ceremonial leader. The constitution allocates the rest of the government’s power to the executive, legislature and judiciary.
An absolute monarchy, on the other hand, is a form of government in which the monarch has absolute power over his or her people. An absolute monarch has unrestricted political power over the sovereign state and its people. Absolute monarchies are often hereditary but other means of transmission of power are attested. Absolute monarchy differs from constitutional monarchy, in which a monarch’s authority in a constitutional monarchy is legally bounded or restricted by a constitution.
In theory, the absolute monarch exercises total power over the land, yet in practice the monarchy is counterbalanced by political groups. These political groups are from among the social classes and castes of the realm, such as the aristocracy, clergy, and middle and lower classes. Some monarchies have weak or symbolic legislatures and other governmental bodies that the monarch can alter or dissolve at will.
In a group of three, discuss the workings of the constitutional monarchy in Malaysia.
ACTIVITY 1.2
1.4.4 Power
Power and politics go together since it is politics that gives power to the authorities to run the day to day activities. What is politics then? Politics is the exercise of power, the public allocation of values, the resolution of conflict and the competition among individuals, groups, or states pursuing their interests (Danziger, 1991).
Power, then, can be said to be the fuel of politics. In other words, the ability to influence the making of those binding decisions is the essence of politics. Power can be political power, economic power or military power. Our concern here is political power. Political power is the control of, or influence on, political decisions. It is the ability to make or influence political decisions.
The notion that some people have more power than others is one of the most noticeable facts of human existence. The concept of power is ancient and ubiquitous. A great deal of scholars, from Plato and Aristotle; through Machiavelli and Hobbes; to Pareto and Weber, devoted much attention to power and the phenomena associated with it. The word and its synonyms are everywhere embedded in the language of civilised peoples, often in subtly different ways (Dahl, 1957).
1.4.5 Control and Freedom
There are numerous ways in which we can conceive of, and ask questions about, freedom and control. These are, of course, concepts that lie at the very heart of sociology. Although Marx, Durkheim, Weber, Simmel and Mead came up with different perspectives, they were all concerned with the ways in which individuals and groups are, variously, enabled and restrained by the structures and cultures within which they find themselves, and how they create, conserve, change and negotiate those structures and cultures (Barker, 2003).
What is the difference between constitutional monarchy and absolute monarchy?
SELF-CHECK 1.4
For even longer, the concept of freedom, or determinism, has been at the root of philosophy. Freedom has been variously associated with further concepts such as causation and control; and chaos and confusion. Sometimes Heisenberg’s Uncertainty Principle is invoked to explain how we can have choice: as not everything is determined, the argument goes, we are free to make decisions (Barker, 2003).
Power and control go hand in hand. Control emanates from having power. Exercising control over the masses or people needs to be executed as spelt out by the law, failing which, control may be replaced by anarchy. In exercising control, the freedom of the people cannot be taken away from them or trampled upon. There should be a balance between control and freedom in any political system. The people should be free to carry out their day to day activities as long as the activities are done within the confines of the law. Being free does not guarantee one the space to cross the line. Similarly being in control does not mean abuse of power.
The various arms of the government should work hand in hand to ensure that power to control the masses is not abused. As the saying goes, absolute power corrupts absolutely. Likewise, in exercising freedom, individuals should be mindful of the fact that freedom is not absolute. A citizen cannot simply do what he or she likes to do. In whatever we do as citizens living a community, we have to be mindful of our actions.
1.4.6 Developmental Politics
Politics and development are very much related where development is dependent on politics as in the case of developing countries. A country’s political system has effects on its economic development. Developmental politics advocates for media support for an existing political regime and its efforts to bring about national economic development. It argues that until a nation is well established and its economic development well underway, media must be supportive rather than critical of government.
Journalists, in their writings or stories must not inhibit government efforts to promote development. They should, rather, assist the government in implementing such policies for the betterment of the society at large.
- The media are the main means of mass communication, especially television, radio, newspapers, and the Internet which are regarded collectively as media. Media are thus communication channels through which news, entertainment, education data or promotional messages are disseminated.
- The media system is composed of institutional structures and final products, which recipients use directly and frequently as they are addressed to them (newspapers, journals, radio and TV programmes) as well as entities (such as press agencies, distributors).
- Theories of media system are also called the normative theories of the press. Normative theories of the press are a group of four press theories (authoritarian theory, free press theory, social responsibility theory, soviet media theory) proposed by Siebert, Peterson and Schramm. Normative theories are based on different types of government systems.
- Later additions to the four theories of the press include development media theory and democratic participant media theory, which were added by McQuail.
- The political system, from the Marxist perspective, is one of a struggle between the bourgeoisie (owners of private property and the means of production) and the proletariat (workers), with economics as the foundation on which the rest of society is built.
- In the Marxist view of human social development, the state evolved at a point in history when it was necessary, and it will cease to exist when it is no longer necessary for society.
- For the capitalist, an economic and political system is characterised by a free market for goods and services and private control of production and consumption. In capitalism, the economic system is based on private ownership of the means of production and their operation for profit. Thus the government has minimal or little control in the process of production.
- Monarchy is a system of government in which a king or queen rules. The authority, or crown, in a monarchy is generally inherited. The ruler, or monarch, is often only the head of state, not the head of government. Many monarchies are actually governed by parliaments. There are also monarchies which are constitutional as distinct from absolute monarchies.
- Politics is the exercise of power, the public allocation of values, the resolution of conflict and the competition among individuals, groups, or states pursuing their interests. Power, then, can be said to be the fuel of politics. In other words, the ability to influence the making of those binding decisions is the essence of politics.
Absolute monarchy
Authoritarian theory
Bourgeoisie
Capitalism
Capitalist industrialist
Constitutional monarchy
Control and freedom
Democratic participant theory
Development media theory
Developmental politics
Free market
Free press theory
Libertarian theory
Marxist perspective
Mass communication
Media
Media systems
Monarchy
Normative theories
Political power
Political system
Power
Private property
Proletariat
Social responsibility theory
Soviet media theory
REF:
Baptist, E. E., & Hyman, L. (2014). American capitalism: A reader. New York, NY:
Simon & Schuster.
Barker, E. (2003). And the wisdom to know the difference? Freedom, control and
the sociology of religion. Sociology of Religion, 64(3), 285a307.
Dahl, R. A. (1957). The concept of power. Behavioral Science, 2(3), 201a215.
Danziger, J. N. (1991). Understanding the political world: An introduction to
political science. New York, NY: Longman.
Engels, F. (1892). Socialism: Utopian and scientific (E. B. Aveling, Trans.).
Vancouver, BC: Whitehead Estate.
Engels, F. (1884). Origin of the family, private property and the state: In the light
of the researches of Lewis H. Morgan. Moscow, Russia: Foreign Languages
Press.
Folarin, B. (2005). Theories of mass communication: An introductory text
(3rd ed.). Ibadan, Nigeria: Bakinfol.
Gurevitch, M., Bennett, T., Curran, J., & Woollacott, J. (2005). Culture, society and
the media. London, England: Taylor & Francis e-Library.
McQuail, D. (1987). Mass communication theory: An introduction. London,
England: Sage.
McQuail, D. (2010). McQuailÊs mass communication theory (6th ed.). London,
England: Sage.
Marx, K., & Engels, F. (1848). Manifesto of the Communist party. New York, NY:
International Publishers.
Siebert, F. S., Peterson, T., & Schramm, W. (1963). Four theories of the press.
Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.
Watson, J. (2003). Media communication: An introduction to theory and process.
New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.
Wieslaw, S. (2009). Media system: Scope a structure a definition. Media Studies,
38(3), 1a9.
Zimbalist, A., Sherman, H. J., & Brown, S. (1988). Comparing economic systems:
A political-economic approach. San Diego, CA: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
TOPIC 2 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MEDIA AND POLITICS.
INTRODUCTION
This topic will introduce two important concepts, namely the media system and the political system and how they function in a country. In many instances, the political system of a country is influenced by the development of its media system. In a democratic system of government, media are operated as free private enterprises. In a more autocratic government, such as in a communist system of government, media are operated solely by state enterprises. However, in recent developments in communist states, there has been a shift towards private enterprises jointly working with state enterprises in operating media entities and managing media organisations.
LEARNING OUTCOMES
By the end of this topic, you should be able to:
1. Define political system and media system;
2. Explain the relationship between media and the political system;
3. Discuss how media operate in countries with different political systems; and
4. Identify the various constraints and challenges faced by the media within different political systems.
WHAT IS A POLITICAL SYSTEM?
The social system consists of many subsystems. Each subsystem has certain specified functions to perform. Derbyshire and Derbyshire (2000), in their Encyclopaedia of World Political Systems, broadly define a country’s political system as, “the dynamic interplay of people’s ideas and interests: the whole process of demand and response which politics represents”. According to Almond and Powell (1966), the concept of political system “has acquired wide currency because it directs attention to the entire scope of political activities within a society, regardless of where in the society such activities may be located”.
The political system is interwoven with other subsystems in society. There is a close relationship between the social and political systems. The basic concern would always remain with regularisation and institutionalisation of power, making of authoritative decisions, and conflict resolution, to name a few aspects of human behaviour with a clear political bias. The agency which has been entrusted with these functions is the state and its organ which actively undertakes these jobs is known as the government. Political systems can manifest in different forms of government, as outlined in Table 2.1.
Table 2.1: Forms of Government
Form Description
Monarchy A political system in which the government is under the control of one powerful leader.
Constitutional monarchy.
A government in which leadership rests in the hands of a representative government, based upon a written constitution, with a monarch (king or queen) as a respected figurehead.
Theocracy A political system in which the government is under the control of a religious organisation or its officials.
Democracy A political system in which the government is under the control of the citizens themselves, or elected representatives chosen from eligible citizens.
Communism A system of government in which a single, totalitarian party holds power. It is characterised by state control of the economy, and restriction on personal freedoms. It was first proposed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in The Communist Manifesto.
2.1
WHAT IS A MEDIA SYSTEM?
According to Schneider (2002, as cited in Engesser & Franzetti, 2011), most of the time, the definition of media system implies its dependence on the specific political system of one society. Siebert, Peterson and Schramm (1963), on the other hand, argue that ‘one cannot understand the news media without understanding the nature of the state, the system of political parties, the pattern of relations between economic and political interests, and the development of civil society, among other elements of social structure’.
The media system plays an important role in connecting the government with the people whom it governs. Survival of a government depends very much on the support of the people. As such media is used to inform the people about government policies and ideologies. At the same time, media provide feedback from the people with regard to suitability and relevance of government policies to their personal development.
Hallin and Mancini (2004) argued that one cannot understand the media system without understanding the nature of the state political system, which includes:
(a) The system of political parties;
(b) The pattern of relations between economic and political interests; and
(c) The development of civil society.
2.3
2.2
Hallin and Mancini (2004) describe the relationship between politics and media as political parallelism. According to them, political parallelism is the degree to which the structure of the media system parallels that of the party system. Parallelism can be found in the ownership of the news media, media content and audiences.
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE MEDIA SYSTEM AND POLITICAL SYSTEM:
THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
One of the earlier works on the relationship between the political system of a country and its influence on the media system is Four Theories of the Press by Siebert et al. (1963). The four theories are as follows:
(a) Authoritarian theory;
(b) Libertarian theory;
(c) Social responsibility theory; and
(d) Soviet communist theory.
Although these four theories have been influential in comparative studies of media systems, there have also been criticisms leveled at them. The theories put forward are deemed inadequate to describe the media system especially in developing countries, many of which had just regained independence after the Second World War. To overcome this inadequacy, Hachten (1981) put forward a developmental model of media system.
2.3.1 Authoritarian Theory
This theory originated from the philosophy of Plato (407 to 327 BC). The English monarchs used this approach when the printing press was invented by censoring, licensing, taxing and making laws. The press was used as a weapon to increase the power of the rulers. The authorities controlled media by providing rights and licenses to some selected media and not to many others. Media had to respect what the authorities wanted and worked according to the wishes of the authorities though not under direct control of the state or ruling classes. Media could not work independently and their works were susceptible to the following censorships:
(a) Political censorship;
(b) Military censorship;
(c) Religious censorship; and
(d) Economic censorship.
The authorities could also withdraw their licenses. Sensitive issues could not be published or even if allowed, were only published through press releases. This theory is justified by saying that the rights of the state are greater than individual rights, where the state controls the media, especially in time of emergencies like wars and conflicts.
2.3.2 Soviet Communist Theory
Communism is not defined as an economic system. Communism is a political system rather than an economic system. Communist countries function under a single dominant communist party. In theory, under communism, all means of production are owned in common, rather than by individuals. In practice, a single authoritarian party controls both the political and economic systems. The communist theory of mass media came into being along with the concept of communism by George, Hegel, Karl Marx and Engels (see Figure 2.1). Mass media, in the view of Karl Marx, was supposed to be responsible for the socialist system of governance and communist media was supposed to help in implementing social policies. The communist and Marxist government rule and communist theory of mass communication was used by the then Soviet Union (Russia) in 1917.
Figure 2.1: Karl Marx (left) and Engels (right)
Source: http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-manchester-30375063
The media are actually owned by the people and operated through the state. Their purpose is to support the Marxist system and to achieve the goals of the state as expressed through the Communist party, especially to build a classless, Marxist society. This system works best in a closed and tightly controlled media environment. Now, essentially limited to the People’s Republic of China, Cuba, and North Korea, this theory is a spin-off of authoritarianism.
Marx defended the right to freedom of the press, arguing that restrictions like censorship were instituted by the bourgeois elite (Shambala, 2014). He claimed that censorship is a tool of the powerful to oppress the powerless. In a communist country, the individualÊs best interest is indistinguishable from the society’s best interest. The idea of individual freedom is incompatible with the communist ideology. The only reason to uphold individual rights to speech and information would be to better the society. Marxist Vladimir Lenin, who founded the Soviet state as well as the Communist Party newspaper Pravda, called for the media to be ‘collective propagandists, agitators and organisers’ (as cited in Siebert et al., 1963). The 1925 Soviet constitution was clear: The fundamental purpose of the press was ‘to strengthen Communist social order’.
In communist countries, the economic structure is socialist. Unconcerned about profit, communist media people choose to provide coverage that furthers the government’s ideological goals. In fact, media decision makers usually are government officials chosen because they are in tune with Marx’s central idea on the inevitability of historical processes. When the Soviet Union was in full bloom as a communist state, for example, all the editors of the leading publications were high officials in the Communist Party. Off-limits in the communist media, however, is criticism of Marxist ideology, which is accorded the sacred respect that ultimate truth deserves.
2.3.3 Libertarian Theory
This theory came from the libertarian thoughts of Europe during the 16th century after the invention of the printing press and after the press movement. It was advocated by many renowned personalities like Lao Tzu, John Locke, John Milton, John Stuart Mill and Thomas Jefferson.
Milton proposed the concept of a Free Market of Ideas, where given vast resources of information, the people will eventually use their rational mind to consume the right information or find the truth in the information. The theory proposes freedom of thought and individualism.
There is no control by the authority and everybody has the right to voice his/her opinion. There is also no censorship and the government must not hold any power to control and suppress the media. All of people are able to interpret and decide which information they need and discover the authenticity of information. Rationality of human beings makes them able to do so.
The press should not restrict any information, even that which criticises government policies. Though media has enormous power, abuse of power can be dealt with legally.
2.3.4 Social Responsibility Theory
This theory is guided by ethics that place on the media an obligation towards the environment, society, culture and economy. The media like any other sector should not harm, but should promote environmental and socio-cultural aspects in relation to the economy of the place.
Social responsibility theory is also a relatively a new concept which started in the mid-20th century. Much like the Libertarian theory, the social responsibility theory also started from Europe and took shape alongside the Commission on the Freedom of Press in the US in 1949. The theory is mostly used in developed countries.
Media have responsibilities to society that accompany their freedom. One of these responsibilities is to provide meaningful information to society. It encourages total freedom to the press and no censorship, but it should be regulated according to social responsibilities and external control. Content is also filtered through public obligation and interference.
2.3.5 Developmental Theory
Leaning towards authoritarianism, developmentalism is a relatively new theory that suggests that the government mobilise the media to serve national goals in times of economic and social development.
Some of the goals the media are expected to help achieve include the following:
(a) Political integration;
(b) Literacy;
(c) Economic self-sufficiency; and
(d) Eradication of disease.
Information is considered a scarce resource and must be carefully managed by the state in order to achieve national goals. As more democracies replace would-be dictatorship throughout the world, the developmental theory, closely associated with government censorship, has fallen on hard times as newly emerging democracies endorse the social responsibility theory instead.
2.3.6 Democratic Participant Theory
This theory was started by grass-root level media in the 1960s. It emerged because of the dissatisfaction with other models such as libertarian theory and social responsibility theory.
This theory believes there is democratic and professional hegemony in the media today and the media is totally commercial. All ill practices should be removed for the media to be democratic and be easily accessible or participatory.
There should not be monopolisation (public/private) and centralisation of media. The media should be pluralistic, decentralised, bottom-up or horizontal and must have equality. The major concept is participation and full circular communication.
This theory promotes the following:
(a) The right to information (global and local);
(b) The right to express (feedback);
(c) The right to use new technologies (means of communication);
(d) Freedom to local data; and
(e) Freedom to take part in social action.
In the process, it expects the government to provide funds, training and subsidies after identification if they have financial or technical difficulties. It is more relevant in liberal democratic developed countries than developing and less developed countries because the countries in transition from underdevelopment and non-democracy are alleged to lack the infrastructure and professional skills needed for free media in democracy.
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MEDIA AND POLITICS:
THE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
A critical aspect of a functioning democracy is to be well informed in order to participate effectively in that democracy. One of the most important ways that many people are informed is through their mainstream media. Many countries have signed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights but freedom of opinion, expression and information (Article 19) has hardly been a reality.
The interdependence between media systems and political systems is generally not in doubt. To extent to which the media system is free from political influence can be seen in the extent to which media experience freedom in both operation and content. One indicator that has been used to gauge media freedom from state intervention is the World Press Freedom Index. The index ranks each country’s media in terms of low state intervention to the highest state intervention in its organisation, content and regulations.
2.4
1. What are the major differences between the authoritarian system and the Soviet communist system?
2. In what way is the libertarian media system different from the social responsibility media system?
3. Why did Hachten introduce the developmental theory of the media?
4. What are the main elements of the democratic participant theory?
SELF-CHECK 2.1
One of the most important and dominant questions in the study of political communication is how the media aid citizens to become informed voters. The media are expected to provide sufficient and relevant political information so that citizens can hold their representatives to account and make informed choices. Yet there is considerable uncertainty about whether recent changes in the media environment are supporting or impeding increased public affairs knowledge. It is desirable that the media adequately inform the electorate about public affairs. News and commentary enable citizens to make informed and effective choices about the exercise of state power.
The 2016 World Press Freedom Index produced by Reporters without Borders showed that the top five countries which have the freest media are Finland, Netherlands, Norway, Denmark and New Zealand. The bottom five countries which have the most restricted media are Eritrea, North Korea, Turkmenistan, Syria and China.
The major democratic countries and most developed countries are not necessarily practicing the freest media. The US is ranked at 41st while the United Kingdom is at 38th. France and Germany, the two most developed countries in Europe are ranked at 45th and 16th respectively. Japan, another developed country, is ranked at 72nd.
The World Press Freedom Index showed a decline of 13.9 per cent in media freedom from 2013 to 2016. Among reasons for the decline are the following:
(a) Throughout the world, „oligarchs‰ are buying up media outlets and are exercising pressure that compounds the pressure already coming from governments.
(b) Some governments do not hesitate to suspend access to the Internet or even
to destroy the premises, broadcast equipment or printing presses of media
outlets they dislike.
(c) Many laws have been adopted penalising journalists on such spurious charges as ‘insulting the President’, ‘blasphemy’ or ‘supporting terrorism’. Growing self-censorship is the knock-on effect of this alarming situation.
It is difficult to determine freedom of the political system. However, in many instances, one has to look at the guarantee of fundamental rights in national constitutions and their differentiation into freedom of the press, of information and opinion. Relevant for the comparison of media systems and political systems are also the governmental capabilities to limit the freedom of the media through censorship, occupational bans, or governmental media ownership.
Generally, discussions on the relationship between politics and media are based on three main factors:
(a) The ownership of media or media economics;
(b) The convergence of media due to digitisation of media; and
(c) Media policies and the changing environment locally and globally.
2.4.1 Media and Politics in Developed Countries
There are differences in financing, organising and purpose of media in developed countries. Europe has a stronger footing in public broadcasting while in the US, the media organisations are driven by commercial entities.
Underlying these differences is a divergence of institutional goals. American television is directed toward maximising revenue and is oriented toward serving the American consumer. By contrast, European television gives greater relative priority to serving the needs of democracy. This gives rise to one very concrete and important difference.
The principal American television channels transmit news and current affairs programmes at the fringe of popular viewing times. In contrast, the principal channels in several European countries (with the partial exception of Britain) transmit news and current affairs during peak times.
What can explain the rather large country differences, particularly between the US on one side and the European countries on the other? There are at least two obvious explanations, both relating to the way TV is organised. In the US, public television is weak and under resourced, whereas in Northern Europe public television is relatively well financed and still important. No less important, commercial television in the US is subject to minimal regulation. In Northern Europe, however, commercial television is incorporated into the regime of public service (with the partial exception of Britain).
In all countries, except the US, there has been a substantial growth in the total volume of news and current affairs programmes on leading television channels from 1987 to 1997. This growth was partly a consequence of the expansion of daytime provision of news and current affairs content, but it also arose from the ending of television monopolies and the rise of new general channels, offering news and current affairs programmes that built large audiences.
Viewing statistics demonstrate that there are also significant differences in TV news consumption among the various countries. Generally, audience figures are higher in the democratic corporatist countries compared to the liberal countries, but with the United Kingdom being much closer to the other European countries than to the US. According to Aalberg and Curran (2012), Dagsrevyen, the most popular evening news show in Norway, was watched by approximately 15 per cent of the Norwegian population on average in 2007.
The most popular news programme in the US, NBC Nightly News, was watched by less than three per cent of the American population (Aalberg & Curran, 2012). Translated into market shares, this means that 66 per cent of Norwegians watching television at that time of day were tuned into the public service news. In the US, however, only 12 per cent of those who watched television at that time were tuned into NBC’s evening newscast. This dramatic difference in people watching the news can be seen as a consequence of differences in political culture, geography, and the way in which television is organised.
Some nations can influence and control their media greatly. In addition, powerful corporations are becoming major influences on mainstream media. In some places, major multinational corporations own media stations and outlets. As numbers of media outlets increase, the ownership is becoming ever more concentrated as mega mergers take hold. At the same time, vertical integration gives the big players even more avenues to cross-sell and cross-market their products for even more amazing profits. An effect of this though is a reduction in diversity and depth of content that the public can get, while increasing the political and economic power of corporations and advertisers. An informed population is a crucial element to a functioning democracy.
2.4.2 Media and Politics in the Communist System.
As Siebert et al. (1963) mention in their book, Four Theories of Mass Media, the basic Soviet Communist understanding of the media was that media were ‘collective propagandist, collective agitator, instruments to be controlled by the state, instruments of social change and social control, and instruments of serious purpose’. Currently, The People’s Republic of China is the dominant country that is practising the communist media theory. Not much information is available about the media systems in the People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Cuba.
The Chinese media have been held under the control of the Communist Party of China (CPC) ever since the establishment of the party in the early 20th century. However, the practices of political control exerted over the mass media have been subject to many changes as a result of economic reform and opening-up to the outside world.
China’s constitution affords its citizens freedom of speech and press, but the opacity of Chinese media regulations allows authorities to crack down on news stories by claiming that they expose state secrets and endanger the country. The definition of state secrets in China remains vague, facilitating censorship of any information that authorities feel threaten their political or economic interests. The Chinese government has long kept tight reins on both the traditional and new media to avoid potential subversion of its authority. Its tactics often entail strict media controls using monitoring systems and firewalls, shuttering publications or websites, and jailing dissident journalists, bloggers, and activists.
The Chinese government does not own every media source in China, but its propaganda department is in charge of censorship of all media content. Censorship is the active attempt by the Party to suppress material that a production entity plans to compose or has already composed. All the above-mentioned media function not mainly as vehicles of social communication or as the voice of different groups but as ‘mouthpieces’ of the party or as ‘propaganda tools’ to promote the official ideology and consolidate the power of the state. Thus, censorship is vital in this system. On the other hand, the media itself will conduct self-censorship.
The government reviews and enforces laws related to information flow within, into, and out from China. The most powerful monitoring body is the Communist Party’s Central Propaganda Department (CPD), which coordinates with the General Administration of Press and Publication and State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television to ensure content promotes party doctrine.
With the emergence of new media, the Chinese government deploys myriad ways of censoring the Internet. The Golden Shield Project, colloquially known as the Great Firewall, is the centre of the government’s online censorship and surveillance effort. Its methods include bandwidth throttling, keyword filtering, and blocking access to certain websites. According to Reporters without Borders, the firewall makes large-scale use of Deep Packet Inspection technology to block access based on keyword detection.
The Propaganda Department can cancel rebroadcasts of television news programmes or dismiss individuals associated with the piece deemed unacceptable. Controversial cases in which the media has challenged the party’s top-down control have resulted in the removal of editors, resignations of journalists, imprisonment of editors and journalists, and forced closure of news organisations in print and broadcast organisations, such as the Southern Daily of Guangdong, 21st Century World Herald and Southern Metropolitan Post.
Since the economic reform, the state no longer fully subsidises the media. It has urged the industry to turn toward marketisation to generate profits to sustain their operations (Nhan, 2008). The Party’s ‘Making Media Big and Strong’ Policy of January 2002 aims to promote the creation of powerful and profitable domestic media conglomerates under the party’s control that are ready for global competition.
Commercialisation of media operations allowed the CCP to redesign its party’s message in a glossy package for easier public digestion. Media managers exchanged the dogmatic style of the Mao era to adopt the Western model of flashy advertising and polished presentations.
2.4.3 Media and Politics in Developing Countries.
According to the United Nations (UN), a developing country is a country with a relatively low standard of living, undeveloped industrial base, and moderate to low Human Development Index (HDI) (Das, 2016). This index is a comparative measure of poverty, literacy, education, life expectancy, and other factors for countries worldwide. Developing countries are defined according to their Gross National Income (GNI) per capita per year. Countries with a GNI of US$11,905 and less are defined as developing (World Bank Report, 2013 as cited in Khan,
2016). National elections provide a common context of key developments in the media freedom situation in many developing countries. These interesting times are particularly challenging for the media in maintaining their role to document a nation’s unfolding history as citizens exercise their right to directly participate in politics.
In the workshops on ‘Elections and the Media’ in Jakarta, media practitioners echo the challenges faced by the media in elections where the added pressure of raised political stakes also increase the challenge of independence, safety risks, and ethical issues of the profession (Southeast Asian Press Alliance, 2014).
While elections normally flood citizens with unprecedented amounts of political information from campaigns, the question should still be raised on whether voters are getting relevant information to make informed choices. Political propaganda dominates electoral discourses, instead of a sober accounting of the track records and conduct of politicians and parties.
Beyond the role and challenges during elections, there is a concrete stake for the media in the political contests, with the chances of improvement or restriction of press freedom and related issues changing between contesting parties or politicians.
Those with restricted media environments remain as unchanged as their politics. There may be little overt censorship reported because control has been institutionalised through self-censorship by media houses or individual journalists who do not wish to risk their professions, safety or freedom.
The media acts as a watchdog of the government and its capacity to provide a civic forum in which meaningful and serious political debate can take place is often viewed as the key democratic role of the mass media and journalists. In addition, the press is a significant mechanism for circulating and exchanging information, which is vital for the functioning of democracy.
Political journalists in developing countries are under constant pressure to facilitate the formation of ‘public opinion’, and feed that opinion back to the public. This includes the provision of space for the expression of dissent, without which the notion of democratic consensus would be meaningless. The media, therefore, has an obligation to provide the audience with information upon which to base political decisions and further, fight any attempts by the government to do the public’s business behind closed doors.
2.4.4 Pluralistic Approach to Media and Politics
Debates around the importance of media pluralism in the European Union (EU) began in the mid-1990s, when the main concern was to address the issues of media ownership and concentration.
Pluralism refers to diversity in the most general sense. However, the concept includes a number of aspects and has been interpreted from different perspectives, and consequently is measured by using many different qualitative and quantitative criteria. In analysing the concept of pluralism, two perspectives have to be mentioned in this regard: internal and external pluralism.
Internal pluralism reflects how social and political diversity are reflected in media content. That is, the representation of different cultural groups in the media as well as divergent political or ideological opinions and viewpoints. Internal pluralism plays an important role in news and public affairs coverage, and also for public broadcasting and media landscapes dominated by one (monopoly) or two (duopoly) players. Governments not only stimulate internal pluralism by facilitating public service broadcasting, but also by means of financial support such as grants, press funds and reduced tax rates.
External pluralism covers the number of owners, media companies, independent editorial boards, channels, titles or programmes. This type of pluralism is also known as the ‘plurality’ of suppliers. From the perspective of the ‘free marketplace of ideas’, competition between these media content suppliers is considered to be essential in order to ensure a free choice of media content and the availability of a wide variety of opinions and ideas. Policies on media concentration are most concerned with the market power that owners or companies may gain and the subsequent possibility of exerting influence.
There are three main types of media concentration:
(a) The most common type of media concentration is horizontal concentration in one link of the production value chain.
(b) A second type of media concentration is vertical concentration in two or more links of the media value chain.
(c) A third form of media concentration is diagonal concentration (i.e. cross-media ownership), that is a publisher or a broadcaster entering into other media types in addition to its usual operations; for instance, a publisher that becomes active in a radio or television station in addition to a daily paper.
The media as the fourth estate is expected to play the role of watchdog on the other three branches of government:
(a) The legislature;
(b) The executive; and
(c) The judiciary.
However, when the mediaÊs many-faceted voice is owned by a small number of corporate masters, concerns about its willingness to keep its role as watchdog is questioned. In 1983, fifty corporations controlled most of the American media, including magazines, books, music, news feeds, newspapers, movies, radio and television.
By 1992, that number had dropped by half. In the year of 2000, six corporations had ownership of most media, and today, five of it has dominated the industry:
Time Warner, Disney, Murdoch’s News Corporation, Bertelsmann of Germany and Viacom.
? Almost every country promises freedom of speech and expression which, to a certain extent, extends to freedom of the press as enshrined in the country’s constitution. In practice, different political systems interpret and execute this freedom differently according to their domestic policies and leaderships.
1. How has media censorship evolved from the 19th century to the 21st century?
2. How has digitisation changed the media landscape from 19th century media to today's global media?
3. Why is there a need for pluralistic media system in the current media environment?
SELF-CHECK 2.2
In groups of three, discuss and present the workings of the legislature; the executive; and the judiciary in the Malaysian context. You may refer to sources from the Internet, journal articles, news articles and others to substantiate your arguments.
ACTIVITY 2.1
? In the current environment with the advancement of globalisation and digitisation of media, there are convergence and emergence of new media
complementing and to some extent challenging the existence and influence of
the mass media. Besides the existence of state owned media there are media
conglomerates.
? The emergence of new media has shifted the control of media content from
the media organisation including state-owned media organisation onto the
consumer. The consumers are now prosumers; they are involved in
producing as well as consuming media content.
? While information disseminated through the media was important to help
citizens in their voting decision-making, citizens now demand more
information to help them participate in political processes such as taking part
in protests, giving comments on policies, and expressing their unhappiness
with government decisions that affect their lives.
? Historically, censorship has shifted from getting a permit and licence to
publish, censorship of material that seems to jeopardise the security of the
state, and economic censorship in terms of taxes on printing material, to self-
censorship. It is now more difficult to perform censorship at the source.
? The way forward is to encourage a pluralistic media system. In such a
system, we not only have diverse media organisations operating different
kinds of media outlets and platforms, but also have access to diversity in
media content. It goes back to the philosophy that people have rational
minds, and if given a diversity of opinions and information, rational minds
will find the truth.
? At the centre of relations between media and political system, is the citizen.
In a more democratic country, the citizens make a much bigger contribution
in shaping the media-politics relationships. However, in authoritarian
governments, extreme suppression of citizensÊ right to freedom could lead to
backlash against the government through people power.
Authoritarian theory
Commercialisation of media
Democratic participant theory
Development theory
Digitisation of media
External pluralism
Free market of ideas
Internal pluralism
Libertarian theory
Media system
Pluralistic media
Political parallelism
Political system
Press freedom index
Propaganda
Self-censorship
Social responsibility theory
Vertical integration
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approach. New York, NY: Routledge.
Almond, G. A., & Powell, G. B. (1966). Comparative politics: A developmental
approach. Boston, MA: Little, Brown and Company.
Das, R. C. (2016). Handbook of research on global indicators of economic and
political convergence. Hershey, PA: IGI Global.
Derbyshire, J. D., & Derbyshire, I. (2000). Encyclopedia of world political
systems. Armonk, NY: Sharpe Reference.
Engesser, S., & Franzetti, A. (2011). Media systems and political systems:
Dimensions of comparison. International Communication Gazette, 73(4),
273a301.
Hachten, W. A. (1981). The world news prism: Changing media clashing
ideologies. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press.
Hallin, D. C., & Mancini, P. (2004). Comparing media system: Three models of
media and politics. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Khan, M. A. (2016). Multinational enterprise management strategies in
developing countries. Hershey, PA: IGI Global.
McQuail, D. (2010). McQuailÊs mass communication theory (6th ed.). London,
England: Sage.
Nhan, V. L. (2008). Media in China: Methods of State control. The Orator, 3, 36a
50.
Reporters without Borders. (2016). 2016 world press freedom index. Retrieved
from https://rsf.org/en/ranking
Shambala. (2014). Tibet seeks the moral stand for freedom of the world and
democracy. Retrieved from http://ireport.cnn.com/docs/DOC-1184699
Siebert, F. S., Peterson, T., & Schramm, W. (1963). Four theories of the press.
Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.
Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA). (2014). Media at political crossroads.
Retrieved from https://www.seapa.org/media-at-political-crossroads-
regional-press-freedom-overview-2014/
Valcke, P., Sukosd, M., & Picard, R. G. (2015). Media pluralism and diversity:
Concepts, risks and global trends. London, England: Palgrave Macmillan.
Wolfsfeld, G. (2011). Making sense of media and politics: Five principles in
political communication. New York, NY: Routledge.
TOPIC 3 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MEDIA AND POLITICS IN MALAYSIA:
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES.
LEARNING OUTCOMES
By the end of this topic, you should be able to:
1. Identify the different phases of British colonisation in Malaysia and
the rise of media;
2. Describe the role played by English language newspapers during
British colonisation;
3. Discuss the role played by vernacular newspapers during British
colonisation; and
4. Compare the different roles played by vernacular newspapers in
raising political consciousness among different ethnic groups during
the pre-independence period.
? INTRODUCTION
To understand the development of media and politics in Malaysia from a historical
perspective we have to take a look at the historical development of Malaysia as a
state. The British intervention in Malaysia can be traced back to the early 19th
century following the establishment of the British settlement in Penang in 1786, in
Singapore in 1819 and in Malacca in 1824. This topic will cover mass media
development and British colonisation, the role of mass media during the British
colonisation, mass media during the Japanese occupation and mass media and
politics in the pre-independence period.
MASS MEDIA DEVELOPMENT AND BRITISH COLONISATION.
The Prince of Wales Island Gazette, published in Penang in 1806, is regarded as
the first newspaper to be published under British colonisation in Malaysia. Its
publisher, A.B. Bone, started the newspaper as Government Gazette and later
renamed it as Prince of Wales Island Government Gazette and finally settled for
Prince of Wales Island Gazette. It was suggested that the earlier emphasis on
government gazette was to show that the newspaper had government sanction
and protection. In reality, the newspaper was strictly a private enterprise although
at times it relied on government financial assistance to help sustain its operation.
The publisher of Prince of Wales Island Gazette wanted the public to know that it
had good working relations with the straits settlement government and therefore,
was a reliable source of government information. The government engaged the
newspaper as the source for information dissemination on administrative matters
or official government advertisements. Such a reciprocal relationship was evident
as the government allowed the publisher of Prince of Wales Gazette to use a phrase
under its masthead „published under the sanction and patronage of government‰
(Dhari Othman, 1992; Mohd Safar Hasim, 1996).
When the Prince of Wales Island Gazette ceased publication in August 1827,
another newspaper, Penang Register and Miscellany, was established by Norman
Macalister McIntyre in 1827. The newspaper was not permitted to use the phrase
„published under sanction and patronage of government‰ under its masthead. It
was also not given the 60 dollar monthly allowance for publishing government
information as given to the publisher of Prince of Wales Island Gazette. Instead
the government paid the newspaper a per line cost of printing although the
publisher was willing to reserve the front page of the newspaper for government
notices and other related matters. Eventually the government allowed the
newspaper to use under its masthead the phrase „Government Notifications
inserted in the Penang Register and Miscellany and signed by the proper
3.1
Authorities are to be considered as Official‰. However this newspaper was short
lived when it ceased publication on September 1828 due to revocation of its licence
by the government because the newspaper breached government censorship
protocols (Mohd Safar Hasim, 1996).
In Malacca, another British settlement, a school teacher by the name of John Henry
Moore submitted an application to publish a newspaper, The Malacca Observer,
to the acting Resident Counsellor in August 1826. The Malacca Observer was given
the licence to publish on the day its application was received by the acting Resident
Counsellor. The publication was subject to censorship by the local authorities,
among others to submit its proof block for government approval before printing.
About three years into its operation, the newspaper was subjected to licensing
review when it published an article which the authorities felt did not reflect the
action to be taken by the government. The article was about possible action to be
taken regarding the Headman of Naning, who refused to pay agricultural tax.
After much deliberation The Malacca Observer ceased publication in October 1829.
In Singapore, a commercial newspaper was established in January 1824. Known as
the Singapore Chronicle, its editor was Francis James Bernard. It was speculated
that although the newspaper was a private enterprise, the actual de facto editor
was John Crawford, the Singapore Resident, because he himself applied for licence
to publish on behalf of Bernard. When Bernard was replaced by William Campbell
as editor, he not only continued publishing the Singapore Chronicle, but at the
same time applied to publish yet another newspaper Commercial Register and
Advertiser. The application was submitted in 1826.
During the later part of the 19th century when the British started intervention in
the Malay states, several newspapers were published. Perak Pioneer and Native
States Advertiser were published in Taiping, the then capital of Perak state, in 1894
by Syed Abdol Hassan Ibnay Burhan. They were considered as the earlier
newspapers to be published in the Federated Malay States. In the state of Selangor,
J. H. M. Robson published The Malay Mail in 1896 (Roff, 1961).
3.1.1 The Vernacular Newspapers
Besides the development of English language newspapers to cater for the British
administrators and the commercial ventures, the late 19th century also saw the
development of non-English language newspapers to cater for the needs of the
emerging multi-racial population in the Malay States and Straits Settlement. The
first Malay language newspaper Jawi Peranakkan was published in Singapore in
1876 by Munshi Mohammad bin Dada Mohidin. Another Malay newspaper,
Sekola Melayu, was published in 1888 by Munshi Muhammad Ali bin Ghulam and
by the Baba Chinese in 1894. It was reported that about 14 Malay newspapers were
published at the end of the 19th century. In the Malay States, the first Malay
newspaper was Seri Perak•which was published by Haji Abdul Kadir Setia Raja in
1893 (Lent, 1978).
The Indian language newspaper Singai Warthamaani was first published in
Singapore in 1875 by S. K. Mathsuhum. This was followed by other Indian
language newspapers such as Tejahbimani, published in Perak in 1896 and
Pinanggu Wartamani, in Penang in 1897. Other newspapers published around the
same period were Ulanga Nesan, Singai Nesan, Hindu Nesan and Thangi Nesan,
which lasted until the end of the 19th century.
The earlier Chinese language newspapers in Malaysia were published by a British
individual in Malacca and Singapore but they were not meant for local Chinese
readers. Instead they were circulated in mainland China for missionary purposes.
The Chinese Monthly Magazine was published in 1819 in Malacca by the London
Missionary Society. In 1881, Lat Pao, the first Chinese newspaper, was published
in Singapore by a Chinese businessman by the name of See Ewe Lay. This
newspaper lasted for 51 years until 1932. The other major Chinese newspaper was
Thien Nan Shai Pao, published in 1885. The content of these early Chinese
newspapers were dominated by news from mainland China and Hong Kong as an
indication of overseas Chinese attachment to their home land (Hock, 1967).
THE ROLE OF MASS MEDIA DURING BRITISH COLONISATION
The role of mass media during the British colonisation, especially newspapers and
radio was very crucial. These mass media were used by the colonial masters to
further their agenda and strengthen their grips on their colonies. In Malaya, as
Malaysia was formerly known, there were several newspapers and radio stations
that existed, some of which still continue today, albeit under different names.
3.2.1 The Role of Newspapers
During the British colonisation in the 20th century, more newspapers were
published in major languages to cater for the different needs and aspirations of the
colonial administrators, business community, and rise of nationalism among the
native population as well as the social needs of migrant populations to keep in
touch with their homelands.
3.2
Among the earlier English language newspapers was Straits Echo, published in
1904 in Penang by Criterion Press. At about the same time in the Federated Malay
States, two newspapers were published, namely Times of Malaya, and PlantersÊ
and MinersÊ Gazette. These newspapers were edited by Silas Penny and J. A. S.
Jennings. In 1915 another newspaper, Malayan Tribute, was published in
Singapore by Lim Boon Huat and A. W. Westerhout. The major role played by
English newspapers before World War Two could be said to be primarily as
economic journals, meeting the needs of the commercial sector of the population.
During the years 1935 and 1936, there were twenty-five new newspapers
published in the Malay language. Increasing commercialisation and
professionalism in journalism, coupled with the affordable price, caused
newspapers to flourish. By 1931, with over one-third of the males literate, these
newspapers and magazines were widely popular, especially among school
teachers and government workers. In addition to Warta Malaya (1931a1941),
prominent Malaysian newspapers in circulation before World War II include
Majlis (1931a1941), Lembaga (1935-1941) and Utusan Malayu (1939-1941).
During the second quarter of the 19th century, two prominent newspapers were
published, namely Warta Malaya (1930a1942), and Utusan Melayu. The publisher
of Warta Malaya was Syed Hussein Ali Alsagoff, a wealthy Arab merchant. It was
edited by Dato Onn Jaffar, who later became one of the well-known nationalists
who fought for Malayan independence. The other newspapers, Utusan Melayu
and its Sunday edition Utusan Zama, were published in 1932 by Utusan Press
Limited. One of its editors was Yusof Ishak, who later became the first president
of the Republic of Singapore.
The role of Chinese newspapers in the early 19th century was to drum support
from overseas Chinese on political issues in mainland China between the
reformists and nationalist groups. Among the newspapers that were published
with financial support from the reformists were Thien Nan Shin Pao (1898-1905)
and Penang Sin Pao (1895-1941). On the nationalist side, they tried to gain support
by establishing Thoe Lan Jit Pao (1904a11906) and Chong Shing Yit Pao (1907a
1910).
After the 1911 revolution in China, local Chinese language newspapers focused
much of their content on commerce. Two main newspapers, Nanyang Siang Pao
(1923) and Sin Chew Jit Pao (1929), were first published in Singapore and survived
until the present time. Currently they are published in Kuala Lumpur. Besides
Singapore and Penang, which became the centres for growth of Chinese language
newspapers, there were several newspapers that were published in Kuala
Lumpur, such as Yi Qun Bao (1919-1936), Zhong Hua Shung (1925-1937) and Ma
Hua Ri Bao (1937-1941).
Among the prominent Tamil language newspapers in the first quarter of 19th
century was Tamil Nesan published in 1923. It has survived until now. It was
reported that there were 13 other Tamil newspapers during that period but many
were short lived. The newspapers carried local and national news and substantial
news on events happening in India. Other newspapers during this period included
Kaliyugam by V. Govindersamy and Sinthaman by V. Balammal. Both newspapers
reported on the condition of Indians working in plantations and also about
women. However, towards the second quarter of 19th century there began a
reformation among the Tamil communities. Tamil newspapers were then
encouraging Tamils to stay in Malaya and regard this country as their place of
residence. Consequently many became Malayan citizens. Other newspapers which
echoed the same message asking Indians to work towards becoming Malayan
citizens were Samudaya Oolin, Bharata Mithran and Tamilan.
3.2.2 The Role of Radio Broadcasting Services
Besides the development of newspapers during British colonisation, there was also
the early development of radio broadcasting service. The first radio station was
established in Kuala Lumpur. It was the up-country gathering point for rubber
estate workers and tin mines and also the capital of the Federated Malay States. It
was an unofficial and an amateur radio club, which organised plans to create a
local service. It was first started among wireless radio enthusiasts operating
individually and then through wireless associations set up in various parts of
Malaya such as in Johor, Penang and Kuala Lumpur.
Although experimental broadcasts of the Singapore amateur group had begun
earlier, the Kuala Lumpur operation was more successful. The Kuala Lumpur
Amateur Wireless Society started experimental work in November 1929 and
officially commenced its regular broadcast service at 6.30 pm with „tea dance
music from the Selangor Club‰. A talk on the activities of the radio club was also
transmitted that night.
Radio development in colonial Malaya did not start until the late 1930s. This was
followed by the efforts of Sir Shenton Thomas, who opened the Studio of
Broadcasting Corporation of Malaya and its transmitter at Caldecott Hill,
Singapore, on 11 March 1937. The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) of
Malaya was then taken over by the Straits Settlement and became a part of the
British Information Ministry better known as the Malayan Broadcasting Corporation.
MASS MEDIA DURING THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION
The Japanese occupied Malaya when the Allied forces surrendered in Singapore
on 16 February 1942. The Japanese remained in occupation until their surrender to
the Allied forces in Penang on 4 September 1945 aboard HMS Nelson. During this
period of Japanese occupation, the publication of all pre-war newspapers was
suspended. Newspapers during the Japanese occupation were regarded as tools
for the Japanese Army Propaganda Department. The Japanese administration
published several newspapers, among which were Malai Shimbun, published in
Singapore (1943-1945), Penang Shimbun, in Penang (1942-1945) and Shanan
Shimbun, in Singapore (1942-1945).
The invading Japanese forces used slogans such as Asia for Asians to win support
from the local Malays. The Japanese worked hard to convince the local population
that they were the actual saviours of Malaya while Britain was portrayed as an
imperialist force that wished to exploit Malaya’s resources. Three Malay
newspapers were published by the Japanese: the Malay language edition of
Penang Shimbun, published in Penang, Berita Perak, Berita Malai and Semangat
Asia. Abdul Rahim Kajai and Ishak Hj Muhammad were involved in editing Berita
Malai and Semangat Asia, both published by Malai Shaimbun Sya in Singapore.
Both Abdul Rahim Kajai and Ishak Hj Mohammad later on became well known
nationalists who fought British colonisation in Malaya.
1. What was the main purpose of newspaper publications in the early days of British colonisation?
2. How was censorship done under the British settlement compared to when it was under the administration of British East India Company?
3. What were the roles played by vernacular newspapers during British colonisation?
SELF-CHECK 3.1
3.3.1 Japanese Alliance with Kesatuan Melayu
Another link forged by the Japanese was with Ibrahim Yaacob of Kesatuan Melayu Muda a pro-independence Malay organisation. On the eve of World War II, Yaacob and the members of Kesatuan Melayu Muda actively encouraged anti-British sentiment. With Japanese aid, the organisation purchased the influential Singapore based Malay publication Warta Malaya. Close to the time of the Japanese invasion Yaacob, Ishak Muhammad and a number of Kesatuan Melayu Muda leaders were arrested and imprisoned by the British.
During the Battle of Malaya, Kesatuan Melayu Muda members assisted the Japanese as they believed that the Japanese would give Malaya independence. When the Japanese captured Singapore, the arrested members were released by the Japanese. Mustapha Hussain, the organisationÊs Vice-President, and the others requested that the Japanese grant Malaya independence but the request was turned down. The Japanese instead disbanded Kesatuan Melayu Muda and established the Pembela Tanah Ayer (also known as the Malai Giyu Gun or by its Malay acronym PETA). Yaacob was given the rank of Lieutenant Colonel in charge of the 2,000 man militia.
In place of Chinese newspapers published by Chinese businessmen, the Japanese administration published Syonan Shimbun and Melaka New Newspaper. The Indian newspapers were left to the Indian Independent League, whose leader Chandra Bose collaborated with Japanese administration in Malaya. The newspapers published in Tamil were Sutaandira India, Sutandiratayam and Yurabharatham. They were geared towards creating awareness among Indians towards IndiaÊs independence. Other newspapers published at that time were Azad Hind published in Hindustani and Sutandra Bharaham in Malayalam dialect.
3.3.2 Aftermath of the Japanese Invasion
Following the Japanese invasion and the end of British rule in Singapore in 1942, the Japanese took over and used the existing radio channels in Penang, Malacca, Kuala Lumpur, Seremban and Singapore to transmit Japanese propaganda. However, in the year 1945, the British seized power and reclaimed the stations. On 1 April 1946, the Department of Broadcasting was established in Singapore. When a state of emergency was declared in 1948 as a result of an outbreak of social riots, it became necessary to further enhance and develop radio services. In the early 1950s, broadcasting activities in Malaya were operated from its temporary studio in Jalan Young in Kuala Lumpur and later moved to the Federal House, Kuala Lumpur in 1956. It was here that broadcasting in Malaysia grew with the establishment of several stations throughout the country including Sabah and Sarawak.
The Japanese invasion and occupation of Malaya lowered the prestige of the British. The people had seen how the Japanese had defeated the British. Although the British had fought bravely, they had failed to protect Malaya and prevented the Japanese from bringing hardship, suffering and fear to the people. The people thus lost confidence in British protection. During the occupation, the Japanese had encouraged the Malays to be conscious of the fact that they were the rightful owners of Malaya. They held some administrative posts during the Japanese occupation and this had made them eager to protect their rights and to govern the country themselves. They began to develop strong feelings of nationalism which were not present before the war.
MASS MEDIA AND POLITICS: PRE-INDEPENDENCE
The British Military Administration (BMA) was an interim government from September 1945 to March 1946. The Federated Malay States, the Unfederated Malay States as well as the Straits Settlement, including Singapore were placed under temporary British military rule. The BMA ended when all the Malay States and the Settlements of Penang and Malacca joined the short-lived Malayan Union. Singapore became a Crown Colony. On April 1, 1946 the Malayan Union officially came into existence with Sir Edward Gent as its governor. The Straits Settlements, comprising Penang, Melaka and Singapore, were officially dissolved.
Malay nationalism, which was brewing during the 1930s, reached its apex after the Second World War especially with the suggestion by the British to set up the Malayan Union in April 1946. The proposed Malayan Union was to reduce the power of the Malay rulers to that of administrating Malay customs and Islamic religion. Citizenship would be opened to migrant workers and other non-Malays who qualified on birth, residential and other terms. The Malayan Union was regarded as having awakened political activity, and heightened ethnic consciousness and nationalism among the different ethnic groups in the Malay states and the Straits Settlement.
For the Malays, their opposition to the Malayan Union led to the birth of the United Malays National Organisation or UMNO, which was inaugurated on May 11, 1946 in Johor Bahru, and the emergence of Datuk Onn Jaafar as its first president. Non-Malays were also prompted to fight for their rights, and organised political parties such as the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC) and the Malayan Democratic Union, which came under an umbrella organisation called the All-Malaya Council of Joint Action (AMCJA) headed by prominent Chinese leader Tan Cheng Lock.
To the Malays, the Malayan Union would reduce their control over political and economic affairs in the country. The British would then control the political and economic policies, and encourage an influx of Chinese and Indian migrant workers to Malaya. These sentiments were channelled through various newspapers, such as Utusan Melayu and its weekend edition Utusan Zaman, which operated in Singapore, Majlis in Kuala Lumpur and Warta Negara from Penang. Utusan Melayu played a prominent role in creating awareness of consequences of the Malayan Union among the Malays and the Malay rulers. Through its editorial, the newspaper managed to convince Malay organisations to form a united front by convening the National Malay Congress, which subsequently led to the formation of the United Malay National Organisation (UMNO). UMNO later managed to convince the British to drop the idea of the Malayan Union and instead introduce the Federation of Malaya in 1948.
3.4.1 Independence from the British in 1957
The Federation of Malaya gained its independence from the British in August 1957. Such was the power of the press at that time, especially Utusan Melayu, in galvanising Malay support to reject the British idea of Malayan Union and unite the Malays under the UMNO banner to achieve independence for Malaya. Other language newspapers which ceased publication during the Japanese occupation resumed publication after the war. Among those were Sin Chew Jit Poh and Nanyang Siang Pau, first published in Singapore and Penang, but subsequently moved to Kuala Lumpur after Malaya gained its independence. The Indian newspapers which were republished were Tamil Nesan and Tamil Murasu.
Among the major English newspapers that survived the Japanese occupation were the Straits Times, The Malay Mail and the Straits Echo. While the Malay newspapers mirrored Malay nationalism, vernacular newspapers became outlets for the non-Malays to protect their interests and be critical of the pro-Malay policies shown by the British administration. The English newspapers positioned themselves as the defender of the interest of the immigrants in light of the growing forces of Malay nationalism as championed by the Malay newspapers.
? Media during the British colonisation in the 19th and 20th centuries was mainly about newspapers. Radio did not start in Malaysia until 1930.
? The first newspaper was the Prince of Wales Island Gazette, published in Penang in 1806. Most of the contents were about commerce and government information.
? Censorship of the newspaper during its early days was direct, carried out through licensing issued by the office of the governor and later through registration of the printing press.
? During the early 19th century, most of the newspapers published were in the English language, catering for the British administration and commercial activities. Most newspapers were published in Penang, Singapore and Melaka.
? Chinese language newspapers, published in the early 19th century, were meant to gain support of overseas Chinese with regard to politics in mainland China between the nationalists and communists.
1. What was the role played by newspapers during the Japanese occupation?
2. In what way did the Japanese occupation change the content of newspapers after the Second World War?
3. What role did radio broadcasting play in the early development of socio-politics in Malaysia?
SELF-CHECK 3.2
In a group of three, discuss and present the pre- and post- independence scenario of media and politics in Malaysia.
ACTIVITY 3.1
? Indian language newspapers were published mainly to cater to the needs of Indian migrant workers for news about their homeland and later to support the fight for Indian independence.
? Malay newspapers played a prominent role in highlighting the economic plight of the Malay population and subsequently in spreading Malay nationalism to gain independence from the British.
? During the Japanese occupation, all newspapers ceased publication. Instead the Japanese Army Propaganda Division took over all publication of newspapers in different languages.
? After the Second World War and with the return of the British, newspapers had become critical of the British administration. The Chinese and Indian newspapers raised issues related to their wellbeing and possible integration as citizens of Malaya.
? Some of the editors of Malay newspapers later went on to become prominent nationalists who fought for Malaya’s independence.
British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)
Colonial rule
East India Company
Japanese occupation
Jawi Peranakan
Malay nationalism
Malayan Union
Press censorship
Straits Settlement
The Prince of Wales Island Gazette
REFF;
Dhari Othman. (1992). Malaysian press: A brief history of newspaper in British
Malaya. Jurnal Komunikasi, 8, 117a130.
Hock, C. M. (1967). The early Chinese newspaper of Singapore 1881a1912. Kuala
Lumpur, Malaysia: University Malaya Press.
Lent, J. (1978). MalaysiaÊs national language mass media: History and present
status. South East Asia Studies, 15(4), 598a612.
Mohd Safar Hasim. (1996). Perkembangan sistem akhbar di Malaysia sejak 1806.
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Penerbit Universiti Malaya.
Roff, W. (1961). Guide to Malay periodicals: 1876a1941. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia:
Department of History, University Malaya.
LEARNING OUTCOMES
By the end of this topic, you should be able to:
1. Explain the concepts of media and politics;
2. Describe media systems and their components;
3. Identify the four main normative theories and the two additions;
4. Discuss the relationship and differences between the normative
theories; and
5. Discuss the role of politics and government in the media system.
DEFINING THE CONCEPT OF MEDIA
What is media? Media is the main means of mass communication. Media means technology that is intended to reach a mass audience. It is the primary means of communication used to reach the vast majority of the general public. Television, radio, newspapers, and the Internet are regarded collectively as media. Media is thus communication channels through which news, entertainment, education, data, or promotional messages are disseminated. Media includes every broadcasting and narrowcasting medium, such as newspapers, magazines, TV, radio, billboards, direct mail, telephone, fax and the Internet.
With the advent of the Internet, media can be classified into two:
(a) Traditional media, which includes television, radio, newspapers, magazines, newsletters and other print publications; and
(b) Social media, which is the term used to describe the new generation of digital, computerised, or networked information and communication technologies. These can take many different forms, including Internet forums, blogs, wikis, podcasts, and picture, music and video sharing. Examples of social media applications are Google Groups, Wikipedia, MySpace, Facebook, YouTube, Second Life, Flickr and Twitter.
MEDIA SYSTEMS
The term „media system‰, although frequently used in subject literature, does not possess a normative or a clear-cut, unambiguous definition so far (Gurevitch, Bennett, Curran & Woollacott, 2005). The media system, as an internally complex, autonomous entity being part of a greater whole, such as a country, is also treated as a system (Wieslaw, 2009).
The term media system was first developed with the onset of television, which resulted in great changes in the reception of mass media communication, also influencing the economic basis of its functioning (Gurevitch et al., 2005). The media system is composed of institutional structures and final products, which recipients use directly and frequently as they are addressed to them (newspapers, journals, radio and TV programmes) as well as entities (such as press agencies and distributors), with which people are less familiar but which, nevertheless, are crucial to the functioning of the media system.
1.2
1.1
A media system’s character is dependent on the primal market or the relations between media broadcasters, recipients and the advertising market (advertisers, and advertising agencies) as well as on the secondary market, which includes the connections between broadcasters and media institutions and also the owners of media entities (Wieslaw, 2009).
THEORIES OF MEDIA SYSTEMS
Normative theories of communication is a group of four press theories proposed by Siebert, Peterson and Schramm (1963) and comprise Authoritarian, Free Press, Social Responsibility and Soviet Media (see Figure 1.1). Some scholars refer to these theories as Western theories of mass media.
Figure 1.1: Four press theories
Media does not exist in a vacuum and normative theories try to explain how the socio-political structures that surround media affect its expected roles, freedom and accountabilities. This theory explains how media systems behave when operated by different kinds of government, such as libertarian, authoritarian, communist and socially responsible government. Normative theories are
therefore based on different types of government systems. Media is important for states to survive and depending on the particular government, can be used in the way the government of the day wants to. Some of these uses include using the media as propaganda machinery.
Later additions to the four theories of the press including development media theory and democratic participant media theory, which were added by McQuail (1987). The development media theory talks about participation of audience in the media while the latter focuses on the media as a tool for development.
1.3.1 Authoritarian Theory
Authoritarian theory was developed in the 16th and 17th centuries, in England. The authoritarian theory was operationalised as strict control of content by the state and a general lack of freedom for the public to criticise state policies. Under an authoritarian media system, ownership of the media can be either public or private. Ownership of printing media is mostly private, while broadcast media usually remain in the hands of the government.
The authoritarian theory describes the situation where states view the mass media as an instrument at all times. The role of the media is to mainly educate citizens, and act as a propaganda tool for the ruling party.
The main difference between the authoritarian theory and the Soviet-Communist theory is that while the former allows both private and public media ownership, the latter only allows public media ownership. Another difference is that while the authoritarian media is mainly used to maintain societal status quo, a Soviet-Communist media is often used to bring about societal change. Countries whose media are practising the authoritarian theory include Russia, North Korea, China, Iran and Saudi Arabia.
1. What is authoritarian theory?
2. Describe the differences between the authoritarian theory and the Soviet-Communist theory.
SELF-CHECK 1.1
1.3.2 Free Press Theory
The free press theory, which is also known as libertarian theory concludes that media or press is given absolute freedom to publish without interference and it also acts as a watchdog. The theory came from the libertarian thoughts of Europe during the 16th century, after the invention of the printing press and after the press movement. Among the advocates of this theory are renowned personalities like John Locke, John Milton, John Stuart Mill and Thomas Jefferson. This theory
is said to thrive in England and the US.
The public is given a lot of press freedom and government control over press is very much limited if not absent. However, some restrictions are put in place in cases of libel, false advertising and false news as preventive measures against the likely abuse of the freedom. The press is an autonomous body rather than another arm or extension of the government.
1.3.3 Social Responsibility Theory
As the name implies, the press in this political system is free to publish anything as long as it is responsible for its publication. At present, the social responsibility theory is practised in most European countries and those countries under the European influence.
The main role of the press is for the preservation and growth of democracy.
Adhering to guidelines and regulations makes the press behave in a responsible manner. Governments have the right to intervene by censoring information they deem to be inappropriate for social order.
Audiences are tasked with the duty of being responsible in their understanding of things shown in media. The government cannot simply intrude too much into the press as it wills. Media is taken to be a spokesperson of the poor and marginalised as well as providing diverse views or perspectives. Corporation or companies using press for commercialisation and profit purposes are only allowed limited space.
1.3.4 Soviet Media Theory
This theory originated from Marxist, Leninist and Stalinist thoughts, with a mixture of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s ideology. It is called the Soviet Media Theory or Communist Media Theory. The government’s role in the press and media is very central as it controls the total media and communication to serve the working classes and their interest. According to this theory, the state has absolute power to control any media for the benefit of the people. There is no private ownership of the press and other media in this system.
The government media is an instrument of control and propaganda to create a strong socialised society and to provide information, education, entertainment, motivation and mobilisation. The theory advocates that all media message systems are in the service of the state, as well as representing the voice of the masses.
1.3.5 Development Media Theory
In this theory, McQuail (1987; 2010) aims at garnering media support for the government to bring about socio-economic development for the citizens. It argues that until a nation is well established and its economic development well underway, media must be supportive rather than critical of the government, so as to assist the government in implementing its policies.
As the name implies, the theory relates to media in the developing nations. It favours journalism that seeks out good news, requires that bad news stories are treated with caution, for such stories are said to be economically damaging to a nation in its delicate effort of growth and change. The main duty of the media is to fulfil social and political duties; hence media freedom, while desirable, should be second to national integration, socio-economic modernisation, promotion of literacy and cultural creativity.
Development media theory seeks to promote the positive; it takes care and guards the autonomy of the developing nations and gives special emphasis to indigenous cultures. It is both a theory of state support and one of resistance to the norms of competing nations and competing theories of media. Normative theories seek to locate media structure and performance within the milieu in which it operates. Explain.
SELF-CHECK 1.2
According to McQuail (1987) and Folarin (2005), as the press performs its responsibilities, it should bear the following tenets in mind:
(a) Media must accept and carry out positive development tasks that are in line with the policies formulated by the political leadership, and freedom of the press should not be at variance with economic priorities of the government and the development needs of the citizenry.
(b) Media should therefore give priorities to the coverage of those areas that touch on the lives of the people. In other words, content should be development-driven and should centre on socio-economic and political lives of the people.
(c) In the overall interest of development, the state has the right to intervene in media operations by the use of censorship devices, especially when the activities of the press are not in consonance with the development objectives of the government.
(d) Mass media should accord priority to politically, geographically and culturally contiguous developing countries in their coverage as part of the holistic strategy for less developed societies.
1.3.6 Democratic Participant Media Theory
This theory is said to represent the idealist dreams of how media ought to operate. It is one which any healthy democracy should regard as a goal. Democratic participant theory stands for defence against commercialisation and monopoly while at the same time being resistant to the bureaucracy of public media institutions (Watson, 2003). This theory challenges reigning theories and offers a positive strategy towards the achievement of new forms of media
institution.
The model emphasises the role of the receiver in the communication process and integrates receiverÊs rights to relevant information, to be heard as well as to hear and be shown. Media messages and content should not be affected by bureaucratic and political control. Instead, media should exist in respect of the interests and needs of the recipients and should not be justified in respect of interests and needs of the media entity. Briefly describe the development media theory.
SELF-CHECK 1.3
This theory encourages small scale multiple, local, non-institutional media because they link senders with receivers and also favour horizontal interactions.
1.3.7 Post Scripts on Press Theory
To sum up, according to the authoritarian theory, the media is controlled and censored by the government ministries in the country, but for libertarian theory the media is fully free without any intervention from any authority or government. For social responsibility theory, press is relatively free, on one hand, but on the other, the government controls the press by raising questions. In the case of Soviet media theory, the media is under the total control of the nation's leaders.
Media in authoritarian regimes are the mouthpiece of the ruling government. They operate under a tight and controlled atmosphere. The content of the media is strictly monitored in the authoritarian regime. Libertarian regime, on the other hand, is the opposite of authoritarian. Under a libertarian regime, the media is free to operate as there are no restrictions. For social responsibility theory, the media is tasked with operating responsibly whereby the media acts as its own watchdog. The Soviet media theory, on the other hand, is not very different from the authoritarian regime as both exert control and place restrictions on the media.
1. What do you understand by the concept of media and media system?
2. Compare the normative theories of the press and deliberate on which one/ones is/are best for Malaysia.
ACTIVITY 1.1
CONCEPTS IN THE POLITICAL SYSTEM
There are various concepts that can be discussed in relation to a political system. In the following subtopics, we will focus on several main concepts, namely, the political system from the Marxist perspective, the political system from the capitalist industrialist view, the monarchy system, power, control and freedom, and developmental politics.
1.4.1 Political System from the Marxist Perspective
According to the Marxist perspective, the political system is one of several struggles between the bourgeoisie (owners of private property and the means of production) and the proletariat (workers), with economics as the foundation on which the rest of society is built. Marxists believe the state is an arena in which the ‘haves’ and the ‘have-nots’ struggle.
For the Marxists, a democratic state or republic, especially in a capitalist economic system, is undesirable. According to Engels (1892), ‘The modern state, no matter what its form, is essentially a capitalist machine’. This ‘machine’ is an unacceptable state since it so clearly focuses on exploiting its citizens. The ideal state for the Marxist is no state at all, since any government (whether a democracy or a dictatorship) is a means for preserving class antagonism. Marx and Engels (1848) said, ‘Political power is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing another’.
In the Marxist view of human social development, the state evolved at a point in history when it was necessary, and it will cease to exist when it is no longer necessary for society. It is a mere transitory phenomenon. Engels (1884) said, ‘The State is simply a product of society at a certain stage of evolution’. Since freedom means no government at all to the Marxists, therefore freedom is an illusion until the classless society is established.
1.4
Marxists believe that only communism makes the state absolutely unnecessary, for there is nobody to be suppressed. For the Marxists, communism must be established worldwide in order for Marxists to achieve their political ends; and they believe that at that some time in history, the state will fade away completely. If the state exists anywhere in the world, then classes would still exist as a threat to a completely classless society.
1.4.2 Political System from the Capitalist Industrialist
View
For the capitalists, an economic and political system is characterised by a free market for goods and services and private control of production and consumption. In capitalism, the economic system is based on private ownership of the means of production and their operation for profit (Baptist & Hyman, 2014; Zimbalist, Sherman & Brown, 1988). Thus, the government has minimal control in the process of production. In a capitalist system, the government does not restrict private property or prevent individuals from working where they deem fit. The government does not prevent firms from determining what wages they will pay and what prices they will charge for their products.
Capitalism has existed under many forms of government, in many different times, places, and cultures. Following the decline of mercantile business, mixed capitalist systems became dominant in the Western world and have continued to spread. Today, most existing capitalist economies are mixed economies, which combine elements of free markets with state intervention, and in some cases, with economic planning.
The major characteristics of capitalism include private property, capital accumulation, wage labour, voluntary exchange, a price system and competitive markets. In a capitalist market economy, decision-making and investment are determined by the owners of the factors of production in financial and capital markets, and prices and the distribution of goods are mainly determined by competition in the market.
1.4.3 Monarchy
This is a system of government in which a king or queen rules. The authority, or crown, in a monarchy is generally inherited. The ruler, or monarch, is often only the head of state, not the head of government. Many monarchies, such as Britain and Denmark, are actually governed by parliaments. There are also monarchies which are constitutional as distinct from absolute monarchies. Malaysia is one of the best examples of constitutional monarchies.
In a constitutional monarchy, the king or queen is governed by the constitution. In a constitutional monarchy, a monarch shares power with a constitutionally elected government. The monarch may be the de facto head of state or a purely ceremonial leader. The constitution allocates the rest of the government’s power to the executive, legislature and judiciary.
An absolute monarchy, on the other hand, is a form of government in which the monarch has absolute power over his or her people. An absolute monarch has unrestricted political power over the sovereign state and its people. Absolute monarchies are often hereditary but other means of transmission of power are attested. Absolute monarchy differs from constitutional monarchy, in which a monarch’s authority in a constitutional monarchy is legally bounded or restricted by a constitution.
In theory, the absolute monarch exercises total power over the land, yet in practice the monarchy is counterbalanced by political groups. These political groups are from among the social classes and castes of the realm, such as the aristocracy, clergy, and middle and lower classes. Some monarchies have weak or symbolic legislatures and other governmental bodies that the monarch can alter or dissolve at will.
In a group of three, discuss the workings of the constitutional monarchy in Malaysia.
ACTIVITY 1.2
1.4.4 Power
Power and politics go together since it is politics that gives power to the authorities to run the day to day activities. What is politics then? Politics is the exercise of power, the public allocation of values, the resolution of conflict and the competition among individuals, groups, or states pursuing their interests (Danziger, 1991).
Power, then, can be said to be the fuel of politics. In other words, the ability to influence the making of those binding decisions is the essence of politics. Power can be political power, economic power or military power. Our concern here is political power. Political power is the control of, or influence on, political decisions. It is the ability to make or influence political decisions.
The notion that some people have more power than others is one of the most noticeable facts of human existence. The concept of power is ancient and ubiquitous. A great deal of scholars, from Plato and Aristotle; through Machiavelli and Hobbes; to Pareto and Weber, devoted much attention to power and the phenomena associated with it. The word and its synonyms are everywhere embedded in the language of civilised peoples, often in subtly different ways (Dahl, 1957).
1.4.5 Control and Freedom
There are numerous ways in which we can conceive of, and ask questions about, freedom and control. These are, of course, concepts that lie at the very heart of sociology. Although Marx, Durkheim, Weber, Simmel and Mead came up with different perspectives, they were all concerned with the ways in which individuals and groups are, variously, enabled and restrained by the structures and cultures within which they find themselves, and how they create, conserve, change and negotiate those structures and cultures (Barker, 2003).
What is the difference between constitutional monarchy and absolute monarchy?
SELF-CHECK 1.4
For even longer, the concept of freedom, or determinism, has been at the root of philosophy. Freedom has been variously associated with further concepts such as causation and control; and chaos and confusion. Sometimes Heisenberg’s Uncertainty Principle is invoked to explain how we can have choice: as not everything is determined, the argument goes, we are free to make decisions (Barker, 2003).
Power and control go hand in hand. Control emanates from having power. Exercising control over the masses or people needs to be executed as spelt out by the law, failing which, control may be replaced by anarchy. In exercising control, the freedom of the people cannot be taken away from them or trampled upon. There should be a balance between control and freedom in any political system. The people should be free to carry out their day to day activities as long as the activities are done within the confines of the law. Being free does not guarantee one the space to cross the line. Similarly being in control does not mean abuse of power.
The various arms of the government should work hand in hand to ensure that power to control the masses is not abused. As the saying goes, absolute power corrupts absolutely. Likewise, in exercising freedom, individuals should be mindful of the fact that freedom is not absolute. A citizen cannot simply do what he or she likes to do. In whatever we do as citizens living a community, we have to be mindful of our actions.
1.4.6 Developmental Politics
Politics and development are very much related where development is dependent on politics as in the case of developing countries. A country’s political system has effects on its economic development. Developmental politics advocates for media support for an existing political regime and its efforts to bring about national economic development. It argues that until a nation is well established and its economic development well underway, media must be supportive rather than critical of government.
Journalists, in their writings or stories must not inhibit government efforts to promote development. They should, rather, assist the government in implementing such policies for the betterment of the society at large.
- The media are the main means of mass communication, especially television, radio, newspapers, and the Internet which are regarded collectively as media. Media are thus communication channels through which news, entertainment, education data or promotional messages are disseminated.
- The media system is composed of institutional structures and final products, which recipients use directly and frequently as they are addressed to them (newspapers, journals, radio and TV programmes) as well as entities (such as press agencies, distributors).
- Theories of media system are also called the normative theories of the press. Normative theories of the press are a group of four press theories (authoritarian theory, free press theory, social responsibility theory, soviet media theory) proposed by Siebert, Peterson and Schramm. Normative theories are based on different types of government systems.
- Later additions to the four theories of the press include development media theory and democratic participant media theory, which were added by McQuail.
- The political system, from the Marxist perspective, is one of a struggle between the bourgeoisie (owners of private property and the means of production) and the proletariat (workers), with economics as the foundation on which the rest of society is built.
- In the Marxist view of human social development, the state evolved at a point in history when it was necessary, and it will cease to exist when it is no longer necessary for society.
- For the capitalist, an economic and political system is characterised by a free market for goods and services and private control of production and consumption. In capitalism, the economic system is based on private ownership of the means of production and their operation for profit. Thus the government has minimal or little control in the process of production.
- Monarchy is a system of government in which a king or queen rules. The authority, or crown, in a monarchy is generally inherited. The ruler, or monarch, is often only the head of state, not the head of government. Many monarchies are actually governed by parliaments. There are also monarchies which are constitutional as distinct from absolute monarchies.
- Politics is the exercise of power, the public allocation of values, the resolution of conflict and the competition among individuals, groups, or states pursuing their interests. Power, then, can be said to be the fuel of politics. In other words, the ability to influence the making of those binding decisions is the essence of politics.
Absolute monarchy
Authoritarian theory
Bourgeoisie
Capitalism
Capitalist industrialist
Constitutional monarchy
Control and freedom
Democratic participant theory
Development media theory
Developmental politics
Free market
Free press theory
Libertarian theory
Marxist perspective
Mass communication
Media
Media systems
Monarchy
Normative theories
Political power
Political system
Power
Private property
Proletariat
Social responsibility theory
Soviet media theory
REF:
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Danziger, J. N. (1991). Understanding the political world: An introduction to
political science. New York, NY: Longman.
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Folarin, B. (2005). Theories of mass communication: An introductory text
(3rd ed.). Ibadan, Nigeria: Bakinfol.
Gurevitch, M., Bennett, T., Curran, J., & Woollacott, J. (2005). Culture, society and
the media. London, England: Taylor & Francis e-Library.
McQuail, D. (1987). Mass communication theory: An introduction. London,
England: Sage.
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England: Sage.
Marx, K., & Engels, F. (1848). Manifesto of the Communist party. New York, NY:
International Publishers.
Siebert, F. S., Peterson, T., & Schramm, W. (1963). Four theories of the press.
Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.
Watson, J. (2003). Media communication: An introduction to theory and process.
New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.
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38(3), 1a9.
Zimbalist, A., Sherman, H. J., & Brown, S. (1988). Comparing economic systems:
A political-economic approach. San Diego, CA: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
TOPIC 2 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MEDIA AND POLITICS.
INTRODUCTION
This topic will introduce two important concepts, namely the media system and the political system and how they function in a country. In many instances, the political system of a country is influenced by the development of its media system. In a democratic system of government, media are operated as free private enterprises. In a more autocratic government, such as in a communist system of government, media are operated solely by state enterprises. However, in recent developments in communist states, there has been a shift towards private enterprises jointly working with state enterprises in operating media entities and managing media organisations.
LEARNING OUTCOMES
By the end of this topic, you should be able to:
1. Define political system and media system;
2. Explain the relationship between media and the political system;
3. Discuss how media operate in countries with different political systems; and
4. Identify the various constraints and challenges faced by the media within different political systems.
WHAT IS A POLITICAL SYSTEM?
The social system consists of many subsystems. Each subsystem has certain specified functions to perform. Derbyshire and Derbyshire (2000), in their Encyclopaedia of World Political Systems, broadly define a country’s political system as, “the dynamic interplay of people’s ideas and interests: the whole process of demand and response which politics represents”. According to Almond and Powell (1966), the concept of political system “has acquired wide currency because it directs attention to the entire scope of political activities within a society, regardless of where in the society such activities may be located”.
The political system is interwoven with other subsystems in society. There is a close relationship between the social and political systems. The basic concern would always remain with regularisation and institutionalisation of power, making of authoritative decisions, and conflict resolution, to name a few aspects of human behaviour with a clear political bias. The agency which has been entrusted with these functions is the state and its organ which actively undertakes these jobs is known as the government. Political systems can manifest in different forms of government, as outlined in Table 2.1.
Table 2.1: Forms of Government
Form Description
Monarchy A political system in which the government is under the control of one powerful leader.
Constitutional monarchy.
A government in which leadership rests in the hands of a representative government, based upon a written constitution, with a monarch (king or queen) as a respected figurehead.
Theocracy A political system in which the government is under the control of a religious organisation or its officials.
Democracy A political system in which the government is under the control of the citizens themselves, or elected representatives chosen from eligible citizens.
Communism A system of government in which a single, totalitarian party holds power. It is characterised by state control of the economy, and restriction on personal freedoms. It was first proposed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in The Communist Manifesto.
2.1
WHAT IS A MEDIA SYSTEM?
According to Schneider (2002, as cited in Engesser & Franzetti, 2011), most of the time, the definition of media system implies its dependence on the specific political system of one society. Siebert, Peterson and Schramm (1963), on the other hand, argue that ‘one cannot understand the news media without understanding the nature of the state, the system of political parties, the pattern of relations between economic and political interests, and the development of civil society, among other elements of social structure’.
The media system plays an important role in connecting the government with the people whom it governs. Survival of a government depends very much on the support of the people. As such media is used to inform the people about government policies and ideologies. At the same time, media provide feedback from the people with regard to suitability and relevance of government policies to their personal development.
Hallin and Mancini (2004) argued that one cannot understand the media system without understanding the nature of the state political system, which includes:
(a) The system of political parties;
(b) The pattern of relations between economic and political interests; and
(c) The development of civil society.
2.3
2.2
Hallin and Mancini (2004) describe the relationship between politics and media as political parallelism. According to them, political parallelism is the degree to which the structure of the media system parallels that of the party system. Parallelism can be found in the ownership of the news media, media content and audiences.
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE MEDIA SYSTEM AND POLITICAL SYSTEM:
THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES
One of the earlier works on the relationship between the political system of a country and its influence on the media system is Four Theories of the Press by Siebert et al. (1963). The four theories are as follows:
(a) Authoritarian theory;
(b) Libertarian theory;
(c) Social responsibility theory; and
(d) Soviet communist theory.
Although these four theories have been influential in comparative studies of media systems, there have also been criticisms leveled at them. The theories put forward are deemed inadequate to describe the media system especially in developing countries, many of which had just regained independence after the Second World War. To overcome this inadequacy, Hachten (1981) put forward a developmental model of media system.
2.3.1 Authoritarian Theory
This theory originated from the philosophy of Plato (407 to 327 BC). The English monarchs used this approach when the printing press was invented by censoring, licensing, taxing and making laws. The press was used as a weapon to increase the power of the rulers. The authorities controlled media by providing rights and licenses to some selected media and not to many others. Media had to respect what the authorities wanted and worked according to the wishes of the authorities though not under direct control of the state or ruling classes. Media could not work independently and their works were susceptible to the following censorships:
(a) Political censorship;
(b) Military censorship;
(c) Religious censorship; and
(d) Economic censorship.
The authorities could also withdraw their licenses. Sensitive issues could not be published or even if allowed, were only published through press releases. This theory is justified by saying that the rights of the state are greater than individual rights, where the state controls the media, especially in time of emergencies like wars and conflicts.
2.3.2 Soviet Communist Theory
Communism is not defined as an economic system. Communism is a political system rather than an economic system. Communist countries function under a single dominant communist party. In theory, under communism, all means of production are owned in common, rather than by individuals. In practice, a single authoritarian party controls both the political and economic systems. The communist theory of mass media came into being along with the concept of communism by George, Hegel, Karl Marx and Engels (see Figure 2.1). Mass media, in the view of Karl Marx, was supposed to be responsible for the socialist system of governance and communist media was supposed to help in implementing social policies. The communist and Marxist government rule and communist theory of mass communication was used by the then Soviet Union (Russia) in 1917.
Figure 2.1: Karl Marx (left) and Engels (right)
Source: http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-england-manchester-30375063
The media are actually owned by the people and operated through the state. Their purpose is to support the Marxist system and to achieve the goals of the state as expressed through the Communist party, especially to build a classless, Marxist society. This system works best in a closed and tightly controlled media environment. Now, essentially limited to the People’s Republic of China, Cuba, and North Korea, this theory is a spin-off of authoritarianism.
Marx defended the right to freedom of the press, arguing that restrictions like censorship were instituted by the bourgeois elite (Shambala, 2014). He claimed that censorship is a tool of the powerful to oppress the powerless. In a communist country, the individualÊs best interest is indistinguishable from the society’s best interest. The idea of individual freedom is incompatible with the communist ideology. The only reason to uphold individual rights to speech and information would be to better the society. Marxist Vladimir Lenin, who founded the Soviet state as well as the Communist Party newspaper Pravda, called for the media to be ‘collective propagandists, agitators and organisers’ (as cited in Siebert et al., 1963). The 1925 Soviet constitution was clear: The fundamental purpose of the press was ‘to strengthen Communist social order’.
In communist countries, the economic structure is socialist. Unconcerned about profit, communist media people choose to provide coverage that furthers the government’s ideological goals. In fact, media decision makers usually are government officials chosen because they are in tune with Marx’s central idea on the inevitability of historical processes. When the Soviet Union was in full bloom as a communist state, for example, all the editors of the leading publications were high officials in the Communist Party. Off-limits in the communist media, however, is criticism of Marxist ideology, which is accorded the sacred respect that ultimate truth deserves.
2.3.3 Libertarian Theory
This theory came from the libertarian thoughts of Europe during the 16th century after the invention of the printing press and after the press movement. It was advocated by many renowned personalities like Lao Tzu, John Locke, John Milton, John Stuart Mill and Thomas Jefferson.
Milton proposed the concept of a Free Market of Ideas, where given vast resources of information, the people will eventually use their rational mind to consume the right information or find the truth in the information. The theory proposes freedom of thought and individualism.
There is no control by the authority and everybody has the right to voice his/her opinion. There is also no censorship and the government must not hold any power to control and suppress the media. All of people are able to interpret and decide which information they need and discover the authenticity of information. Rationality of human beings makes them able to do so.
The press should not restrict any information, even that which criticises government policies. Though media has enormous power, abuse of power can be dealt with legally.
2.3.4 Social Responsibility Theory
This theory is guided by ethics that place on the media an obligation towards the environment, society, culture and economy. The media like any other sector should not harm, but should promote environmental and socio-cultural aspects in relation to the economy of the place.
Social responsibility theory is also a relatively a new concept which started in the mid-20th century. Much like the Libertarian theory, the social responsibility theory also started from Europe and took shape alongside the Commission on the Freedom of Press in the US in 1949. The theory is mostly used in developed countries.
Media have responsibilities to society that accompany their freedom. One of these responsibilities is to provide meaningful information to society. It encourages total freedom to the press and no censorship, but it should be regulated according to social responsibilities and external control. Content is also filtered through public obligation and interference.
2.3.5 Developmental Theory
Leaning towards authoritarianism, developmentalism is a relatively new theory that suggests that the government mobilise the media to serve national goals in times of economic and social development.
Some of the goals the media are expected to help achieve include the following:
(a) Political integration;
(b) Literacy;
(c) Economic self-sufficiency; and
(d) Eradication of disease.
Information is considered a scarce resource and must be carefully managed by the state in order to achieve national goals. As more democracies replace would-be dictatorship throughout the world, the developmental theory, closely associated with government censorship, has fallen on hard times as newly emerging democracies endorse the social responsibility theory instead.
2.3.6 Democratic Participant Theory
This theory was started by grass-root level media in the 1960s. It emerged because of the dissatisfaction with other models such as libertarian theory and social responsibility theory.
This theory believes there is democratic and professional hegemony in the media today and the media is totally commercial. All ill practices should be removed for the media to be democratic and be easily accessible or participatory.
There should not be monopolisation (public/private) and centralisation of media. The media should be pluralistic, decentralised, bottom-up or horizontal and must have equality. The major concept is participation and full circular communication.
This theory promotes the following:
(a) The right to information (global and local);
(b) The right to express (feedback);
(c) The right to use new technologies (means of communication);
(d) Freedom to local data; and
(e) Freedom to take part in social action.
In the process, it expects the government to provide funds, training and subsidies after identification if they have financial or technical difficulties. It is more relevant in liberal democratic developed countries than developing and less developed countries because the countries in transition from underdevelopment and non-democracy are alleged to lack the infrastructure and professional skills needed for free media in democracy.
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MEDIA AND POLITICS:
THE HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
A critical aspect of a functioning democracy is to be well informed in order to participate effectively in that democracy. One of the most important ways that many people are informed is through their mainstream media. Many countries have signed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights but freedom of opinion, expression and information (Article 19) has hardly been a reality.
The interdependence between media systems and political systems is generally not in doubt. To extent to which the media system is free from political influence can be seen in the extent to which media experience freedom in both operation and content. One indicator that has been used to gauge media freedom from state intervention is the World Press Freedom Index. The index ranks each country’s media in terms of low state intervention to the highest state intervention in its organisation, content and regulations.
2.4
1. What are the major differences between the authoritarian system and the Soviet communist system?
2. In what way is the libertarian media system different from the social responsibility media system?
3. Why did Hachten introduce the developmental theory of the media?
4. What are the main elements of the democratic participant theory?
SELF-CHECK 2.1
One of the most important and dominant questions in the study of political communication is how the media aid citizens to become informed voters. The media are expected to provide sufficient and relevant political information so that citizens can hold their representatives to account and make informed choices. Yet there is considerable uncertainty about whether recent changes in the media environment are supporting or impeding increased public affairs knowledge. It is desirable that the media adequately inform the electorate about public affairs. News and commentary enable citizens to make informed and effective choices about the exercise of state power.
The 2016 World Press Freedom Index produced by Reporters without Borders showed that the top five countries which have the freest media are Finland, Netherlands, Norway, Denmark and New Zealand. The bottom five countries which have the most restricted media are Eritrea, North Korea, Turkmenistan, Syria and China.
The major democratic countries and most developed countries are not necessarily practicing the freest media. The US is ranked at 41st while the United Kingdom is at 38th. France and Germany, the two most developed countries in Europe are ranked at 45th and 16th respectively. Japan, another developed country, is ranked at 72nd.
The World Press Freedom Index showed a decline of 13.9 per cent in media freedom from 2013 to 2016. Among reasons for the decline are the following:
(a) Throughout the world, „oligarchs‰ are buying up media outlets and are exercising pressure that compounds the pressure already coming from governments.
(b) Some governments do not hesitate to suspend access to the Internet or even
to destroy the premises, broadcast equipment or printing presses of media
outlets they dislike.
(c) Many laws have been adopted penalising journalists on such spurious charges as ‘insulting the President’, ‘blasphemy’ or ‘supporting terrorism’. Growing self-censorship is the knock-on effect of this alarming situation.
It is difficult to determine freedom of the political system. However, in many instances, one has to look at the guarantee of fundamental rights in national constitutions and their differentiation into freedom of the press, of information and opinion. Relevant for the comparison of media systems and political systems are also the governmental capabilities to limit the freedom of the media through censorship, occupational bans, or governmental media ownership.
Generally, discussions on the relationship between politics and media are based on three main factors:
(a) The ownership of media or media economics;
(b) The convergence of media due to digitisation of media; and
(c) Media policies and the changing environment locally and globally.
2.4.1 Media and Politics in Developed Countries
There are differences in financing, organising and purpose of media in developed countries. Europe has a stronger footing in public broadcasting while in the US, the media organisations are driven by commercial entities.
Underlying these differences is a divergence of institutional goals. American television is directed toward maximising revenue and is oriented toward serving the American consumer. By contrast, European television gives greater relative priority to serving the needs of democracy. This gives rise to one very concrete and important difference.
The principal American television channels transmit news and current affairs programmes at the fringe of popular viewing times. In contrast, the principal channels in several European countries (with the partial exception of Britain) transmit news and current affairs during peak times.
What can explain the rather large country differences, particularly between the US on one side and the European countries on the other? There are at least two obvious explanations, both relating to the way TV is organised. In the US, public television is weak and under resourced, whereas in Northern Europe public television is relatively well financed and still important. No less important, commercial television in the US is subject to minimal regulation. In Northern Europe, however, commercial television is incorporated into the regime of public service (with the partial exception of Britain).
In all countries, except the US, there has been a substantial growth in the total volume of news and current affairs programmes on leading television channels from 1987 to 1997. This growth was partly a consequence of the expansion of daytime provision of news and current affairs content, but it also arose from the ending of television monopolies and the rise of new general channels, offering news and current affairs programmes that built large audiences.
Viewing statistics demonstrate that there are also significant differences in TV news consumption among the various countries. Generally, audience figures are higher in the democratic corporatist countries compared to the liberal countries, but with the United Kingdom being much closer to the other European countries than to the US. According to Aalberg and Curran (2012), Dagsrevyen, the most popular evening news show in Norway, was watched by approximately 15 per cent of the Norwegian population on average in 2007.
The most popular news programme in the US, NBC Nightly News, was watched by less than three per cent of the American population (Aalberg & Curran, 2012). Translated into market shares, this means that 66 per cent of Norwegians watching television at that time of day were tuned into the public service news. In the US, however, only 12 per cent of those who watched television at that time were tuned into NBC’s evening newscast. This dramatic difference in people watching the news can be seen as a consequence of differences in political culture, geography, and the way in which television is organised.
Some nations can influence and control their media greatly. In addition, powerful corporations are becoming major influences on mainstream media. In some places, major multinational corporations own media stations and outlets. As numbers of media outlets increase, the ownership is becoming ever more concentrated as mega mergers take hold. At the same time, vertical integration gives the big players even more avenues to cross-sell and cross-market their products for even more amazing profits. An effect of this though is a reduction in diversity and depth of content that the public can get, while increasing the political and economic power of corporations and advertisers. An informed population is a crucial element to a functioning democracy.
2.4.2 Media and Politics in the Communist System.
As Siebert et al. (1963) mention in their book, Four Theories of Mass Media, the basic Soviet Communist understanding of the media was that media were ‘collective propagandist, collective agitator, instruments to be controlled by the state, instruments of social change and social control, and instruments of serious purpose’. Currently, The People’s Republic of China is the dominant country that is practising the communist media theory. Not much information is available about the media systems in the People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Cuba.
The Chinese media have been held under the control of the Communist Party of China (CPC) ever since the establishment of the party in the early 20th century. However, the practices of political control exerted over the mass media have been subject to many changes as a result of economic reform and opening-up to the outside world.
China’s constitution affords its citizens freedom of speech and press, but the opacity of Chinese media regulations allows authorities to crack down on news stories by claiming that they expose state secrets and endanger the country. The definition of state secrets in China remains vague, facilitating censorship of any information that authorities feel threaten their political or economic interests. The Chinese government has long kept tight reins on both the traditional and new media to avoid potential subversion of its authority. Its tactics often entail strict media controls using monitoring systems and firewalls, shuttering publications or websites, and jailing dissident journalists, bloggers, and activists.
The Chinese government does not own every media source in China, but its propaganda department is in charge of censorship of all media content. Censorship is the active attempt by the Party to suppress material that a production entity plans to compose or has already composed. All the above-mentioned media function not mainly as vehicles of social communication or as the voice of different groups but as ‘mouthpieces’ of the party or as ‘propaganda tools’ to promote the official ideology and consolidate the power of the state. Thus, censorship is vital in this system. On the other hand, the media itself will conduct self-censorship.
The government reviews and enforces laws related to information flow within, into, and out from China. The most powerful monitoring body is the Communist Party’s Central Propaganda Department (CPD), which coordinates with the General Administration of Press and Publication and State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television to ensure content promotes party doctrine.
With the emergence of new media, the Chinese government deploys myriad ways of censoring the Internet. The Golden Shield Project, colloquially known as the Great Firewall, is the centre of the government’s online censorship and surveillance effort. Its methods include bandwidth throttling, keyword filtering, and blocking access to certain websites. According to Reporters without Borders, the firewall makes large-scale use of Deep Packet Inspection technology to block access based on keyword detection.
The Propaganda Department can cancel rebroadcasts of television news programmes or dismiss individuals associated with the piece deemed unacceptable. Controversial cases in which the media has challenged the party’s top-down control have resulted in the removal of editors, resignations of journalists, imprisonment of editors and journalists, and forced closure of news organisations in print and broadcast organisations, such as the Southern Daily of Guangdong, 21st Century World Herald and Southern Metropolitan Post.
Since the economic reform, the state no longer fully subsidises the media. It has urged the industry to turn toward marketisation to generate profits to sustain their operations (Nhan, 2008). The Party’s ‘Making Media Big and Strong’ Policy of January 2002 aims to promote the creation of powerful and profitable domestic media conglomerates under the party’s control that are ready for global competition.
Commercialisation of media operations allowed the CCP to redesign its party’s message in a glossy package for easier public digestion. Media managers exchanged the dogmatic style of the Mao era to adopt the Western model of flashy advertising and polished presentations.
2.4.3 Media and Politics in Developing Countries.
According to the United Nations (UN), a developing country is a country with a relatively low standard of living, undeveloped industrial base, and moderate to low Human Development Index (HDI) (Das, 2016). This index is a comparative measure of poverty, literacy, education, life expectancy, and other factors for countries worldwide. Developing countries are defined according to their Gross National Income (GNI) per capita per year. Countries with a GNI of US$11,905 and less are defined as developing (World Bank Report, 2013 as cited in Khan,
2016). National elections provide a common context of key developments in the media freedom situation in many developing countries. These interesting times are particularly challenging for the media in maintaining their role to document a nation’s unfolding history as citizens exercise their right to directly participate in politics.
In the workshops on ‘Elections and the Media’ in Jakarta, media practitioners echo the challenges faced by the media in elections where the added pressure of raised political stakes also increase the challenge of independence, safety risks, and ethical issues of the profession (Southeast Asian Press Alliance, 2014).
While elections normally flood citizens with unprecedented amounts of political information from campaigns, the question should still be raised on whether voters are getting relevant information to make informed choices. Political propaganda dominates electoral discourses, instead of a sober accounting of the track records and conduct of politicians and parties.
Beyond the role and challenges during elections, there is a concrete stake for the media in the political contests, with the chances of improvement or restriction of press freedom and related issues changing between contesting parties or politicians.
Those with restricted media environments remain as unchanged as their politics. There may be little overt censorship reported because control has been institutionalised through self-censorship by media houses or individual journalists who do not wish to risk their professions, safety or freedom.
The media acts as a watchdog of the government and its capacity to provide a civic forum in which meaningful and serious political debate can take place is often viewed as the key democratic role of the mass media and journalists. In addition, the press is a significant mechanism for circulating and exchanging information, which is vital for the functioning of democracy.
Political journalists in developing countries are under constant pressure to facilitate the formation of ‘public opinion’, and feed that opinion back to the public. This includes the provision of space for the expression of dissent, without which the notion of democratic consensus would be meaningless. The media, therefore, has an obligation to provide the audience with information upon which to base political decisions and further, fight any attempts by the government to do the public’s business behind closed doors.
2.4.4 Pluralistic Approach to Media and Politics
Debates around the importance of media pluralism in the European Union (EU) began in the mid-1990s, when the main concern was to address the issues of media ownership and concentration.
Pluralism refers to diversity in the most general sense. However, the concept includes a number of aspects and has been interpreted from different perspectives, and consequently is measured by using many different qualitative and quantitative criteria. In analysing the concept of pluralism, two perspectives have to be mentioned in this regard: internal and external pluralism.
Internal pluralism reflects how social and political diversity are reflected in media content. That is, the representation of different cultural groups in the media as well as divergent political or ideological opinions and viewpoints. Internal pluralism plays an important role in news and public affairs coverage, and also for public broadcasting and media landscapes dominated by one (monopoly) or two (duopoly) players. Governments not only stimulate internal pluralism by facilitating public service broadcasting, but also by means of financial support such as grants, press funds and reduced tax rates.
External pluralism covers the number of owners, media companies, independent editorial boards, channels, titles or programmes. This type of pluralism is also known as the ‘plurality’ of suppliers. From the perspective of the ‘free marketplace of ideas’, competition between these media content suppliers is considered to be essential in order to ensure a free choice of media content and the availability of a wide variety of opinions and ideas. Policies on media concentration are most concerned with the market power that owners or companies may gain and the subsequent possibility of exerting influence.
There are three main types of media concentration:
(a) The most common type of media concentration is horizontal concentration in one link of the production value chain.
(b) A second type of media concentration is vertical concentration in two or more links of the media value chain.
(c) A third form of media concentration is diagonal concentration (i.e. cross-media ownership), that is a publisher or a broadcaster entering into other media types in addition to its usual operations; for instance, a publisher that becomes active in a radio or television station in addition to a daily paper.
The media as the fourth estate is expected to play the role of watchdog on the other three branches of government:
(a) The legislature;
(b) The executive; and
(c) The judiciary.
However, when the mediaÊs many-faceted voice is owned by a small number of corporate masters, concerns about its willingness to keep its role as watchdog is questioned. In 1983, fifty corporations controlled most of the American media, including magazines, books, music, news feeds, newspapers, movies, radio and television.
By 1992, that number had dropped by half. In the year of 2000, six corporations had ownership of most media, and today, five of it has dominated the industry:
Time Warner, Disney, Murdoch’s News Corporation, Bertelsmann of Germany and Viacom.
? Almost every country promises freedom of speech and expression which, to a certain extent, extends to freedom of the press as enshrined in the country’s constitution. In practice, different political systems interpret and execute this freedom differently according to their domestic policies and leaderships.
1. How has media censorship evolved from the 19th century to the 21st century?
2. How has digitisation changed the media landscape from 19th century media to today's global media?
3. Why is there a need for pluralistic media system in the current media environment?
SELF-CHECK 2.2
In groups of three, discuss and present the workings of the legislature; the executive; and the judiciary in the Malaysian context. You may refer to sources from the Internet, journal articles, news articles and others to substantiate your arguments.
ACTIVITY 2.1
? In the current environment with the advancement of globalisation and digitisation of media, there are convergence and emergence of new media
complementing and to some extent challenging the existence and influence of
the mass media. Besides the existence of state owned media there are media
conglomerates.
? The emergence of new media has shifted the control of media content from
the media organisation including state-owned media organisation onto the
consumer. The consumers are now prosumers; they are involved in
producing as well as consuming media content.
? While information disseminated through the media was important to help
citizens in their voting decision-making, citizens now demand more
information to help them participate in political processes such as taking part
in protests, giving comments on policies, and expressing their unhappiness
with government decisions that affect their lives.
? Historically, censorship has shifted from getting a permit and licence to
publish, censorship of material that seems to jeopardise the security of the
state, and economic censorship in terms of taxes on printing material, to self-
censorship. It is now more difficult to perform censorship at the source.
? The way forward is to encourage a pluralistic media system. In such a
system, we not only have diverse media organisations operating different
kinds of media outlets and platforms, but also have access to diversity in
media content. It goes back to the philosophy that people have rational
minds, and if given a diversity of opinions and information, rational minds
will find the truth.
? At the centre of relations between media and political system, is the citizen.
In a more democratic country, the citizens make a much bigger contribution
in shaping the media-politics relationships. However, in authoritarian
governments, extreme suppression of citizensÊ right to freedom could lead to
backlash against the government through people power.
Authoritarian theory
Commercialisation of media
Democratic participant theory
Development theory
Digitisation of media
External pluralism
Free market of ideas
Internal pluralism
Libertarian theory
Media system
Pluralistic media
Political parallelism
Political system
Press freedom index
Propaganda
Self-censorship
Social responsibility theory
Vertical integration
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political convergence. Hershey, PA: IGI Global.
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systems. Armonk, NY: Sharpe Reference.
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Dimensions of comparison. International Communication Gazette, 73(4),
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Hachten, W. A. (1981). The world news prism: Changing media clashing
ideologies. Ames, IA: Iowa State University Press.
Hallin, D. C., & Mancini, P. (2004). Comparing media system: Three models of
media and politics. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Khan, M. A. (2016). Multinational enterprise management strategies in
developing countries. Hershey, PA: IGI Global.
McQuail, D. (2010). McQuailÊs mass communication theory (6th ed.). London,
England: Sage.
Nhan, V. L. (2008). Media in China: Methods of State control. The Orator, 3, 36a
50.
Reporters without Borders. (2016). 2016 world press freedom index. Retrieved
from https://rsf.org/en/ranking
Shambala. (2014). Tibet seeks the moral stand for freedom of the world and
democracy. Retrieved from http://ireport.cnn.com/docs/DOC-1184699
Siebert, F. S., Peterson, T., & Schramm, W. (1963). Four theories of the press.
Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.
Southeast Asian Press Alliance (SEAPA). (2014). Media at political crossroads.
Retrieved from https://www.seapa.org/media-at-political-crossroads-
regional-press-freedom-overview-2014/
Valcke, P., Sukosd, M., & Picard, R. G. (2015). Media pluralism and diversity:
Concepts, risks and global trends. London, England: Palgrave Macmillan.
Wolfsfeld, G. (2011). Making sense of media and politics: Five principles in
political communication. New York, NY: Routledge.
TOPIC 3 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MEDIA AND POLITICS IN MALAYSIA:
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES.
LEARNING OUTCOMES
By the end of this topic, you should be able to:
1. Identify the different phases of British colonisation in Malaysia and
the rise of media;
2. Describe the role played by English language newspapers during
British colonisation;
3. Discuss the role played by vernacular newspapers during British
colonisation; and
4. Compare the different roles played by vernacular newspapers in
raising political consciousness among different ethnic groups during
the pre-independence period.
? INTRODUCTION
To understand the development of media and politics in Malaysia from a historical
perspective we have to take a look at the historical development of Malaysia as a
state. The British intervention in Malaysia can be traced back to the early 19th
century following the establishment of the British settlement in Penang in 1786, in
Singapore in 1819 and in Malacca in 1824. This topic will cover mass media
development and British colonisation, the role of mass media during the British
colonisation, mass media during the Japanese occupation and mass media and
politics in the pre-independence period.
MASS MEDIA DEVELOPMENT AND BRITISH COLONISATION.
The Prince of Wales Island Gazette, published in Penang in 1806, is regarded as
the first newspaper to be published under British colonisation in Malaysia. Its
publisher, A.B. Bone, started the newspaper as Government Gazette and later
renamed it as Prince of Wales Island Government Gazette and finally settled for
Prince of Wales Island Gazette. It was suggested that the earlier emphasis on
government gazette was to show that the newspaper had government sanction
and protection. In reality, the newspaper was strictly a private enterprise although
at times it relied on government financial assistance to help sustain its operation.
The publisher of Prince of Wales Island Gazette wanted the public to know that it
had good working relations with the straits settlement government and therefore,
was a reliable source of government information. The government engaged the
newspaper as the source for information dissemination on administrative matters
or official government advertisements. Such a reciprocal relationship was evident
as the government allowed the publisher of Prince of Wales Gazette to use a phrase
under its masthead „published under the sanction and patronage of government‰
(Dhari Othman, 1992; Mohd Safar Hasim, 1996).
When the Prince of Wales Island Gazette ceased publication in August 1827,
another newspaper, Penang Register and Miscellany, was established by Norman
Macalister McIntyre in 1827. The newspaper was not permitted to use the phrase
„published under sanction and patronage of government‰ under its masthead. It
was also not given the 60 dollar monthly allowance for publishing government
information as given to the publisher of Prince of Wales Island Gazette. Instead
the government paid the newspaper a per line cost of printing although the
publisher was willing to reserve the front page of the newspaper for government
notices and other related matters. Eventually the government allowed the
newspaper to use under its masthead the phrase „Government Notifications
inserted in the Penang Register and Miscellany and signed by the proper
3.1
Authorities are to be considered as Official‰. However this newspaper was short
lived when it ceased publication on September 1828 due to revocation of its licence
by the government because the newspaper breached government censorship
protocols (Mohd Safar Hasim, 1996).
In Malacca, another British settlement, a school teacher by the name of John Henry
Moore submitted an application to publish a newspaper, The Malacca Observer,
to the acting Resident Counsellor in August 1826. The Malacca Observer was given
the licence to publish on the day its application was received by the acting Resident
Counsellor. The publication was subject to censorship by the local authorities,
among others to submit its proof block for government approval before printing.
About three years into its operation, the newspaper was subjected to licensing
review when it published an article which the authorities felt did not reflect the
action to be taken by the government. The article was about possible action to be
taken regarding the Headman of Naning, who refused to pay agricultural tax.
After much deliberation The Malacca Observer ceased publication in October 1829.
In Singapore, a commercial newspaper was established in January 1824. Known as
the Singapore Chronicle, its editor was Francis James Bernard. It was speculated
that although the newspaper was a private enterprise, the actual de facto editor
was John Crawford, the Singapore Resident, because he himself applied for licence
to publish on behalf of Bernard. When Bernard was replaced by William Campbell
as editor, he not only continued publishing the Singapore Chronicle, but at the
same time applied to publish yet another newspaper Commercial Register and
Advertiser. The application was submitted in 1826.
During the later part of the 19th century when the British started intervention in
the Malay states, several newspapers were published. Perak Pioneer and Native
States Advertiser were published in Taiping, the then capital of Perak state, in 1894
by Syed Abdol Hassan Ibnay Burhan. They were considered as the earlier
newspapers to be published in the Federated Malay States. In the state of Selangor,
J. H. M. Robson published The Malay Mail in 1896 (Roff, 1961).
3.1.1 The Vernacular Newspapers
Besides the development of English language newspapers to cater for the British
administrators and the commercial ventures, the late 19th century also saw the
development of non-English language newspapers to cater for the needs of the
emerging multi-racial population in the Malay States and Straits Settlement. The
first Malay language newspaper Jawi Peranakkan was published in Singapore in
1876 by Munshi Mohammad bin Dada Mohidin. Another Malay newspaper,
Sekola Melayu, was published in 1888 by Munshi Muhammad Ali bin Ghulam and
by the Baba Chinese in 1894. It was reported that about 14 Malay newspapers were
published at the end of the 19th century. In the Malay States, the first Malay
newspaper was Seri Perak•which was published by Haji Abdul Kadir Setia Raja in
1893 (Lent, 1978).
The Indian language newspaper Singai Warthamaani was first published in
Singapore in 1875 by S. K. Mathsuhum. This was followed by other Indian
language newspapers such as Tejahbimani, published in Perak in 1896 and
Pinanggu Wartamani, in Penang in 1897. Other newspapers published around the
same period were Ulanga Nesan, Singai Nesan, Hindu Nesan and Thangi Nesan,
which lasted until the end of the 19th century.
The earlier Chinese language newspapers in Malaysia were published by a British
individual in Malacca and Singapore but they were not meant for local Chinese
readers. Instead they were circulated in mainland China for missionary purposes.
The Chinese Monthly Magazine was published in 1819 in Malacca by the London
Missionary Society. In 1881, Lat Pao, the first Chinese newspaper, was published
in Singapore by a Chinese businessman by the name of See Ewe Lay. This
newspaper lasted for 51 years until 1932. The other major Chinese newspaper was
Thien Nan Shai Pao, published in 1885. The content of these early Chinese
newspapers were dominated by news from mainland China and Hong Kong as an
indication of overseas Chinese attachment to their home land (Hock, 1967).
THE ROLE OF MASS MEDIA DURING BRITISH COLONISATION
The role of mass media during the British colonisation, especially newspapers and
radio was very crucial. These mass media were used by the colonial masters to
further their agenda and strengthen their grips on their colonies. In Malaya, as
Malaysia was formerly known, there were several newspapers and radio stations
that existed, some of which still continue today, albeit under different names.
3.2.1 The Role of Newspapers
During the British colonisation in the 20th century, more newspapers were
published in major languages to cater for the different needs and aspirations of the
colonial administrators, business community, and rise of nationalism among the
native population as well as the social needs of migrant populations to keep in
touch with their homelands.
3.2
Among the earlier English language newspapers was Straits Echo, published in
1904 in Penang by Criterion Press. At about the same time in the Federated Malay
States, two newspapers were published, namely Times of Malaya, and PlantersÊ
and MinersÊ Gazette. These newspapers were edited by Silas Penny and J. A. S.
Jennings. In 1915 another newspaper, Malayan Tribute, was published in
Singapore by Lim Boon Huat and A. W. Westerhout. The major role played by
English newspapers before World War Two could be said to be primarily as
economic journals, meeting the needs of the commercial sector of the population.
During the years 1935 and 1936, there were twenty-five new newspapers
published in the Malay language. Increasing commercialisation and
professionalism in journalism, coupled with the affordable price, caused
newspapers to flourish. By 1931, with over one-third of the males literate, these
newspapers and magazines were widely popular, especially among school
teachers and government workers. In addition to Warta Malaya (1931a1941),
prominent Malaysian newspapers in circulation before World War II include
Majlis (1931a1941), Lembaga (1935-1941) and Utusan Malayu (1939-1941).
During the second quarter of the 19th century, two prominent newspapers were
published, namely Warta Malaya (1930a1942), and Utusan Melayu. The publisher
of Warta Malaya was Syed Hussein Ali Alsagoff, a wealthy Arab merchant. It was
edited by Dato Onn Jaffar, who later became one of the well-known nationalists
who fought for Malayan independence. The other newspapers, Utusan Melayu
and its Sunday edition Utusan Zama, were published in 1932 by Utusan Press
Limited. One of its editors was Yusof Ishak, who later became the first president
of the Republic of Singapore.
The role of Chinese newspapers in the early 19th century was to drum support
from overseas Chinese on political issues in mainland China between the
reformists and nationalist groups. Among the newspapers that were published
with financial support from the reformists were Thien Nan Shin Pao (1898-1905)
and Penang Sin Pao (1895-1941). On the nationalist side, they tried to gain support
by establishing Thoe Lan Jit Pao (1904a11906) and Chong Shing Yit Pao (1907a
1910).
After the 1911 revolution in China, local Chinese language newspapers focused
much of their content on commerce. Two main newspapers, Nanyang Siang Pao
(1923) and Sin Chew Jit Pao (1929), were first published in Singapore and survived
until the present time. Currently they are published in Kuala Lumpur. Besides
Singapore and Penang, which became the centres for growth of Chinese language
newspapers, there were several newspapers that were published in Kuala
Lumpur, such as Yi Qun Bao (1919-1936), Zhong Hua Shung (1925-1937) and Ma
Hua Ri Bao (1937-1941).
Among the prominent Tamil language newspapers in the first quarter of 19th
century was Tamil Nesan published in 1923. It has survived until now. It was
reported that there were 13 other Tamil newspapers during that period but many
were short lived. The newspapers carried local and national news and substantial
news on events happening in India. Other newspapers during this period included
Kaliyugam by V. Govindersamy and Sinthaman by V. Balammal. Both newspapers
reported on the condition of Indians working in plantations and also about
women. However, towards the second quarter of 19th century there began a
reformation among the Tamil communities. Tamil newspapers were then
encouraging Tamils to stay in Malaya and regard this country as their place of
residence. Consequently many became Malayan citizens. Other newspapers which
echoed the same message asking Indians to work towards becoming Malayan
citizens were Samudaya Oolin, Bharata Mithran and Tamilan.
3.2.2 The Role of Radio Broadcasting Services
Besides the development of newspapers during British colonisation, there was also
the early development of radio broadcasting service. The first radio station was
established in Kuala Lumpur. It was the up-country gathering point for rubber
estate workers and tin mines and also the capital of the Federated Malay States. It
was an unofficial and an amateur radio club, which organised plans to create a
local service. It was first started among wireless radio enthusiasts operating
individually and then through wireless associations set up in various parts of
Malaya such as in Johor, Penang and Kuala Lumpur.
Although experimental broadcasts of the Singapore amateur group had begun
earlier, the Kuala Lumpur operation was more successful. The Kuala Lumpur
Amateur Wireless Society started experimental work in November 1929 and
officially commenced its regular broadcast service at 6.30 pm with „tea dance
music from the Selangor Club‰. A talk on the activities of the radio club was also
transmitted that night.
Radio development in colonial Malaya did not start until the late 1930s. This was
followed by the efforts of Sir Shenton Thomas, who opened the Studio of
Broadcasting Corporation of Malaya and its transmitter at Caldecott Hill,
Singapore, on 11 March 1937. The British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) of
Malaya was then taken over by the Straits Settlement and became a part of the
British Information Ministry better known as the Malayan Broadcasting Corporation.
MASS MEDIA DURING THE JAPANESE OCCUPATION
The Japanese occupied Malaya when the Allied forces surrendered in Singapore
on 16 February 1942. The Japanese remained in occupation until their surrender to
the Allied forces in Penang on 4 September 1945 aboard HMS Nelson. During this
period of Japanese occupation, the publication of all pre-war newspapers was
suspended. Newspapers during the Japanese occupation were regarded as tools
for the Japanese Army Propaganda Department. The Japanese administration
published several newspapers, among which were Malai Shimbun, published in
Singapore (1943-1945), Penang Shimbun, in Penang (1942-1945) and Shanan
Shimbun, in Singapore (1942-1945).
The invading Japanese forces used slogans such as Asia for Asians to win support
from the local Malays. The Japanese worked hard to convince the local population
that they were the actual saviours of Malaya while Britain was portrayed as an
imperialist force that wished to exploit Malaya’s resources. Three Malay
newspapers were published by the Japanese: the Malay language edition of
Penang Shimbun, published in Penang, Berita Perak, Berita Malai and Semangat
Asia. Abdul Rahim Kajai and Ishak Hj Muhammad were involved in editing Berita
Malai and Semangat Asia, both published by Malai Shaimbun Sya in Singapore.
Both Abdul Rahim Kajai and Ishak Hj Mohammad later on became well known
nationalists who fought British colonisation in Malaya.
1. What was the main purpose of newspaper publications in the early days of British colonisation?
2. How was censorship done under the British settlement compared to when it was under the administration of British East India Company?
3. What were the roles played by vernacular newspapers during British colonisation?
SELF-CHECK 3.1
3.3.1 Japanese Alliance with Kesatuan Melayu
Another link forged by the Japanese was with Ibrahim Yaacob of Kesatuan Melayu Muda a pro-independence Malay organisation. On the eve of World War II, Yaacob and the members of Kesatuan Melayu Muda actively encouraged anti-British sentiment. With Japanese aid, the organisation purchased the influential Singapore based Malay publication Warta Malaya. Close to the time of the Japanese invasion Yaacob, Ishak Muhammad and a number of Kesatuan Melayu Muda leaders were arrested and imprisoned by the British.
During the Battle of Malaya, Kesatuan Melayu Muda members assisted the Japanese as they believed that the Japanese would give Malaya independence. When the Japanese captured Singapore, the arrested members were released by the Japanese. Mustapha Hussain, the organisationÊs Vice-President, and the others requested that the Japanese grant Malaya independence but the request was turned down. The Japanese instead disbanded Kesatuan Melayu Muda and established the Pembela Tanah Ayer (also known as the Malai Giyu Gun or by its Malay acronym PETA). Yaacob was given the rank of Lieutenant Colonel in charge of the 2,000 man militia.
In place of Chinese newspapers published by Chinese businessmen, the Japanese administration published Syonan Shimbun and Melaka New Newspaper. The Indian newspapers were left to the Indian Independent League, whose leader Chandra Bose collaborated with Japanese administration in Malaya. The newspapers published in Tamil were Sutaandira India, Sutandiratayam and Yurabharatham. They were geared towards creating awareness among Indians towards IndiaÊs independence. Other newspapers published at that time were Azad Hind published in Hindustani and Sutandra Bharaham in Malayalam dialect.
3.3.2 Aftermath of the Japanese Invasion
Following the Japanese invasion and the end of British rule in Singapore in 1942, the Japanese took over and used the existing radio channels in Penang, Malacca, Kuala Lumpur, Seremban and Singapore to transmit Japanese propaganda. However, in the year 1945, the British seized power and reclaimed the stations. On 1 April 1946, the Department of Broadcasting was established in Singapore. When a state of emergency was declared in 1948 as a result of an outbreak of social riots, it became necessary to further enhance and develop radio services. In the early 1950s, broadcasting activities in Malaya were operated from its temporary studio in Jalan Young in Kuala Lumpur and later moved to the Federal House, Kuala Lumpur in 1956. It was here that broadcasting in Malaysia grew with the establishment of several stations throughout the country including Sabah and Sarawak.
The Japanese invasion and occupation of Malaya lowered the prestige of the British. The people had seen how the Japanese had defeated the British. Although the British had fought bravely, they had failed to protect Malaya and prevented the Japanese from bringing hardship, suffering and fear to the people. The people thus lost confidence in British protection. During the occupation, the Japanese had encouraged the Malays to be conscious of the fact that they were the rightful owners of Malaya. They held some administrative posts during the Japanese occupation and this had made them eager to protect their rights and to govern the country themselves. They began to develop strong feelings of nationalism which were not present before the war.
MASS MEDIA AND POLITICS: PRE-INDEPENDENCE
The British Military Administration (BMA) was an interim government from September 1945 to March 1946. The Federated Malay States, the Unfederated Malay States as well as the Straits Settlement, including Singapore were placed under temporary British military rule. The BMA ended when all the Malay States and the Settlements of Penang and Malacca joined the short-lived Malayan Union. Singapore became a Crown Colony. On April 1, 1946 the Malayan Union officially came into existence with Sir Edward Gent as its governor. The Straits Settlements, comprising Penang, Melaka and Singapore, were officially dissolved.
Malay nationalism, which was brewing during the 1930s, reached its apex after the Second World War especially with the suggestion by the British to set up the Malayan Union in April 1946. The proposed Malayan Union was to reduce the power of the Malay rulers to that of administrating Malay customs and Islamic religion. Citizenship would be opened to migrant workers and other non-Malays who qualified on birth, residential and other terms. The Malayan Union was regarded as having awakened political activity, and heightened ethnic consciousness and nationalism among the different ethnic groups in the Malay states and the Straits Settlement.
For the Malays, their opposition to the Malayan Union led to the birth of the United Malays National Organisation or UMNO, which was inaugurated on May 11, 1946 in Johor Bahru, and the emergence of Datuk Onn Jaafar as its first president. Non-Malays were also prompted to fight for their rights, and organised political parties such as the Malayan Indian Congress (MIC) and the Malayan Democratic Union, which came under an umbrella organisation called the All-Malaya Council of Joint Action (AMCJA) headed by prominent Chinese leader Tan Cheng Lock.
To the Malays, the Malayan Union would reduce their control over political and economic affairs in the country. The British would then control the political and economic policies, and encourage an influx of Chinese and Indian migrant workers to Malaya. These sentiments were channelled through various newspapers, such as Utusan Melayu and its weekend edition Utusan Zaman, which operated in Singapore, Majlis in Kuala Lumpur and Warta Negara from Penang. Utusan Melayu played a prominent role in creating awareness of consequences of the Malayan Union among the Malays and the Malay rulers. Through its editorial, the newspaper managed to convince Malay organisations to form a united front by convening the National Malay Congress, which subsequently led to the formation of the United Malay National Organisation (UMNO). UMNO later managed to convince the British to drop the idea of the Malayan Union and instead introduce the Federation of Malaya in 1948.
3.4.1 Independence from the British in 1957
The Federation of Malaya gained its independence from the British in August 1957. Such was the power of the press at that time, especially Utusan Melayu, in galvanising Malay support to reject the British idea of Malayan Union and unite the Malays under the UMNO banner to achieve independence for Malaya. Other language newspapers which ceased publication during the Japanese occupation resumed publication after the war. Among those were Sin Chew Jit Poh and Nanyang Siang Pau, first published in Singapore and Penang, but subsequently moved to Kuala Lumpur after Malaya gained its independence. The Indian newspapers which were republished were Tamil Nesan and Tamil Murasu.
Among the major English newspapers that survived the Japanese occupation were the Straits Times, The Malay Mail and the Straits Echo. While the Malay newspapers mirrored Malay nationalism, vernacular newspapers became outlets for the non-Malays to protect their interests and be critical of the pro-Malay policies shown by the British administration. The English newspapers positioned themselves as the defender of the interest of the immigrants in light of the growing forces of Malay nationalism as championed by the Malay newspapers.
? Media during the British colonisation in the 19th and 20th centuries was mainly about newspapers. Radio did not start in Malaysia until 1930.
? The first newspaper was the Prince of Wales Island Gazette, published in Penang in 1806. Most of the contents were about commerce and government information.
? Censorship of the newspaper during its early days was direct, carried out through licensing issued by the office of the governor and later through registration of the printing press.
? During the early 19th century, most of the newspapers published were in the English language, catering for the British administration and commercial activities. Most newspapers were published in Penang, Singapore and Melaka.
? Chinese language newspapers, published in the early 19th century, were meant to gain support of overseas Chinese with regard to politics in mainland China between the nationalists and communists.
1. What was the role played by newspapers during the Japanese occupation?
2. In what way did the Japanese occupation change the content of newspapers after the Second World War?
3. What role did radio broadcasting play in the early development of socio-politics in Malaysia?
SELF-CHECK 3.2
In a group of three, discuss and present the pre- and post- independence scenario of media and politics in Malaysia.
ACTIVITY 3.1
? Indian language newspapers were published mainly to cater to the needs of Indian migrant workers for news about their homeland and later to support the fight for Indian independence.
? Malay newspapers played a prominent role in highlighting the economic plight of the Malay population and subsequently in spreading Malay nationalism to gain independence from the British.
? During the Japanese occupation, all newspapers ceased publication. Instead the Japanese Army Propaganda Division took over all publication of newspapers in different languages.
? After the Second World War and with the return of the British, newspapers had become critical of the British administration. The Chinese and Indian newspapers raised issues related to their wellbeing and possible integration as citizens of Malaya.
? Some of the editors of Malay newspapers later went on to become prominent nationalists who fought for Malaya’s independence.
British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC)
Colonial rule
East India Company
Japanese occupation
Jawi Peranakan
Malay nationalism
Malayan Union
Press censorship
Straits Settlement
The Prince of Wales Island Gazette
REFF;
Dhari Othman. (1992). Malaysian press: A brief history of newspaper in British
Malaya. Jurnal Komunikasi, 8, 117a130.
Hock, C. M. (1967). The early Chinese newspaper of Singapore 1881a1912. Kuala
Lumpur, Malaysia: University Malaya Press.
Lent, J. (1978). MalaysiaÊs national language mass media: History and present
status. South East Asia Studies, 15(4), 598a612.
Mohd Safar Hasim. (1996). Perkembangan sistem akhbar di Malaysia sejak 1806.
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Penerbit Universiti Malaya.
Roff, W. (1961). Guide to Malay periodicals: 1876a1941. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia:
Department of History, University Malaya.
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